Built Environment Analysis- 2nd Draft

Madison Brooks

Dr. Robin Wharton

Engl 1102

20 April 2016

Segregation is Not Over

As Atlanta, Georgia made steps to recover after World War II, African Americans were treated as second-class citizens by Caucasians as commercial expansion uprooted their homes and inner city development was used to push them out of the city and into the suburbs. As a result, African Americans and Caucasians began and continue to settle in separate communities.

African Americans and Caucasians live segregated mainly because Caucasians physically forced African Americans out of their existing homes and into the suburbs. After World War II, programs intended for reconstruction wound up only benefiting wealthy, politically powerful men(). These men were uninterested in improving areas of poverty in the city. Federal programs such as anti-poverty projects were gradually ignored, and as a result failed miserably. For example, Atlanta begun the Model Cities Program in 1966 in an effort to fix the problems in Atlanta’s low-income neighborhoods, which were mostly inhabited by African Americans (Holliman 21). The program was substantially underfunded and understaffed and did little for the living conditions of the select neighborhoods. Instead of finding other ways to improve these lower-class areas, politicians’ solutions were to simply destroy these “slums” and create new developments over them (Holliman 21). As well as African American families being forced out of their homes, this created larger activity in private development compared to federal government programs, which caused Caucasians to steadily drive an increasing gap between the social classes of Caucasians and African Americans (Pooley).

In the 20th century, in addition to ignored reconstruction programs, the Central Business District of Atlanta began to rapidly transform into a tourist destination, which also lead to increased private and commercial development (Holliman 3). Developers destroyed entire “slum” neighborhoods without a second thought in order to create this tourist destination that would bring thousands into the city (Pooley). This uprooted hundreds of African American families, which left them homeless and forced them out of the inner city and into the suburbs. This left mainly the Caucasians alone in the city communities. The expansion of the Civic Center in 1967 as well as the World Congress Center, Omi Complex, Hyatt Regency hotel, and much more brought in a large amount of tourism, but many of these developments were built directly on top of existing neighborhoods. This displaced more than 55,000 African American families (Newman 305). This development and relocation pushed African Americans into areas away from the main attractions, such as streets Auburn Avenue and Decatur Street. These streets became known as the “black” streets, which caused Caucasians to stay away, and left these streets undeveloped with a lower-income than the developed areas of Atlanta. In addition to these two streets, many areas in Atlanta played a major part of African American history and were therefore preserved by historical groups (Newman 315). Because of this preservation, many of these neighborhoods remained highly African American. Where most African Americans in the mid to late 1900’s settled is where they continue to mainly settle today.

Certain types of development, often referred to as Architectural Exclusion, purposely separated African Americans and Caucasians in Atlanta. Highways were built purposely as to create a barrier between African American and Caucasian communities. These highways were built on top of traditionally African American communities, which again forced them out of their homes and farther out into the suburbs. These highways also conveniently blocked access to the outlying neighborhoods, which were mainly lived in by African Americans (Sherman 14). Public Transportation routes also only travelled so far, and often denied certain groups access to certain places, such as African Americans being denied access to exclusive, mainly upper class Caucasian locations such as country clubs, high end restaurants, and gated communities (Sherman 31). The construction of the MARTA transportation routes destroyed homes of African Americans as well and forced them to find new homes elsewhere. The city was promised by city officials an extension of the MARTA lines to outlying areas which were heavily populated with African Americans after they were forced out of the city by developers, but the extensions were never built (Sherman 40). These types of architectural exclusion assisted in African Americans being exiled out into the suburbs farther away from the Caucasian communities.

African Americans have been historically discriminated against ever since post WWII in multiple ways. Specific groups were also formed in order to make them feel unwelcome in Atlanta. The Ku Klux Klan, or KKK, for example came together after the Civil War, and although it was disbanded multiple times, the group continued to fight for their idea of white supremacy. In the early 1900’s Atlanta became the headquarters for the KKK and held multiple rallies in places such as Stone Mountain. The group attacked and killed hundreds of African Americans by having their home, land, and possessions seized, lynched, shot, beaten, raped and even burned alive (Lay). During this time, African Americans feared for their lives. Even after the KKK was officially disbanded, African Americans were still threatened by members of the hate group. More than one thousand African Americans fled during these years and never returned (Lay). This contributed to a larger percentage of whites in Atlanta, as well as added to the tense differences of Caucasians and African Americans. When a select few decided to venture back, they still carried the fear and stigma of the KKK and made sure to stay far away from any Caucasians, which furthered the creation of segregated communities.

Years later during the twentieth century, as well as being physically forced out of their homes by developers, African Americans were pushed to feel unwelcome in places deemed to be dominantly Caucasian communities. This lead to citizens being settled in separate communities due to racism. Some property owners used “racial steering”, an illegal practice which pushed away African Americans and brought in Caucasians to their neighborhoods (Riley 3). This photograph is an example of racial steering, where a billboard being held up reads that a neighborhood only wants “white tenants in [their] white community” (Riley 3).

 

 

A study was conducted in Detroit by the University of Michigan in 1976 that concluded that 72% of “whites” said they strongly opposed living in a “mixed community” with “blacks” (Farley 321). When the researchers asked African Americans why they would not move into a mainly white neighborhood, 90% said that it was because their Caucasian neighbors would not welcome them (Farley 322). Since a large majority was in agreement in this study, it can be applied to the city of Atlanta by using the statistics to put into consideration that Caucasians and African Americans there most likely felt the same way.

In addition to having African Americans exiled, Caucasians often choose to live away from African Americans because of the increased gap between lower-class African Americans and middle class whites who reside in Atlanta (Pooley). The Atlanta Tribune Magazine reported that African Americans are 2x more likely to be jobless as well as 3x more likely to be poor (Bullard 2). Private development and architectural exclusion helped widen this economic gap. Because African Americans were pushed out of the city, it became difficult to find jobs in order for them to improve their economic circumstances. The magazine stated that 24% of African Americans do not own a car. This meant that without a way to travel to and from the city, these people must be able to walk to their place of employment (Bullard 2). This is a nearly impossible feat for those who live outside of the city where a majority of jobs are located in the downtown area. People settle traditionally near others culturally and economically similar to them. Because these two group’s gap is so large, it is presumed that they would not have naturally chosen to live in close proximity to each other.

In addition to this economic gap, Caucasians chose to settle away from African Americans because African Americans have been known to cause increased poverty, increased crime, as well as decreased home values (Poister 51). People who strongly believed these theories strongly opposed having their families live and grow up next to these criminal like people in fear that it might a negative impact on their day to day lives, like bad habits picked up by their children from the lower-class children, such as school being skipped.

Because of African Americans being excluded physically from the inner city on account of major development, preservation of historical areas, as well as fear, unacceptance, and prejudice from Caucasians, Caucasians continue to settle together in their own middle-upper class communities, while African Americans congregate together in neighborhoods farther out away from the main attractions of Atlanta. This segregation will unfortunately continue until Caucasians are able to accept the African American community and let them into their lives as being equal.

 

Works Cited

Bullard, Robert. “{Complete Report} The State of Black Atlanta 2010.” Atlanta Tribune The Magazine. Web. 29 Mar. 2016.

Farley, Reynolds. “Chocolate City, Vanilla Suburbs: Will the Trend toward Racially Separate Communities Continue?” Social Science Research 4 (1978): 319-44. Web.

Holliman, Irene V. “From ‘Crackertown’ to the ‘ATL’: Race, Urban Renewal, and the Re-making of Downtown Atlanta, 1945-2000.”University of Georgia (2010). n. pag. Web. 1 March 2016.

Lay, Shawn. “Ku Klux Klan in the 20th Century.” New Georgia Encyclopedia. 15 October 2015. Wrb. 25 April 2016.

Newman, Harvey K. “Race and the Tourist Bubble in Downtown Atlanta.” Urban Affairs Review3 (2002): 301-21. Web.

Poister, Theodore H. “Transit-Related Crime In Suburban Areas.” Journal of Urban Affairs 1 (1996): 63-75. Web.

Pooley, Karen. “Segregation’s New Geography: The Atlanta Metro Region, Race, and the Declining Prospects for Upward Mobility.” Southern Spaces. Web. 29 Mar. 2016.

Riley, Ricky. “10 Ways Segregation and Economic Depravity Defined Chicago – Atlanta Black Star.” Atlanta Black Star. 2015. Web. 29 Mar. 2016.

Sherman, Bradford P. “Racial Bias and Interstate Highway Planning: A Mixed Methods Approach.” College Undergraduate Research Electronic Journal (2014): n. pag. Web. 1 March 2016.

Annotated Bibliographies

Annotated Bibliography 1

In “Chocolate City, Vanilla Suburbs”, investigators for the 1976 Detroit Area Study of the University of Michigan began intensive research to fully understand the residential segregation in the city of Detroit. Their research concluded that while blacks prefer to live in a neighborhood with a mixture of people with black and white descent, whites are not as accepting of integration into their neighborhoods. Similar to Detroit, many of Atlanta’s neighborhoods are predominately all black or all white. The cause of this segregation is likely similar to the reasons the DAS investigators revealed while studying the Detroit residential segregation.

I chose to use this article because it offers a closer look into the detail of certain segregation caused by the environment and why it is caused. This article is very well written and is unbiased in its research methods. One weakness of this journal is that the investigators looked exclusively at Detroit while conducting their research, ignoring all other cities in the United States. Their theories on segregation may not hold true when applied in other cities across the country. This journal is similar to “Race and the Tourist Bubble in Downtown Atlanta”, in that both works examine racism and segregation to a certain degree. This piece looks more in depth at what causes the segregation, while the other journal examines how segregation affects the development of Atlanta (5).

 

Annotated Bibliography 2

“Race and the Tourist Bubble in Downtown Atlanta” was written by Harvey K. Newman, a retired professor in the Andrew Young School of Policy Studies at Georgia State University. This journal explains the evolution of downtown Atlanta from a central business district to a popular tourist destination. This piece examines the multiple projects put in motion to bring in more visitors and stimulate the economy, a majority of which uprooted historically black areas in order to make room for more attractions. In “Architectural Exclusion:  Discrimination and Segregation through Physical Design of the Built Environment” the author explains different methods of using environmental factors as segregation tools. This journal goes into more detail on how certain methods, such as building highways, are used to block access of certain places to particular groups of people.

This article is very well written and credible, but it mainly only focuses on the pro-tourism side of the city’s history. To make this piece more well-rounded, additional arguments on the cons of developing for tourism could have been included. While this article explains where and when racial segregation took place, the previous bibliography, “Chocolate City, Vanilla Suburbs” examines what causes this segregation (3).

 

Annotated Bibliography 3

“Transit-Related Crime in Suburban Areas” was written by professor of Public Administration at Georgia State University, Dr. Theodore Poister. This journal discusses the relationship between high crime rates and public transportation. Looking at Atlanta’s MARTA, research showed crime to initially increase, but was followed by a decrease in crime rates. Still, the fear of increasing crime because of public transportation continues to prevent the extension of public transit rail lines, preventing economic expansion and growth in cities. Because there was no strong correlation between expanding public transit and crime rates increasing, it is likely that there are other factors that influence the rise of crime rates, concluding that the data found in Poister’s research cannot be used to blame public transit directly for higher crime rates. This journal entry debunks the myth that public transportation in downtown Atlanta and surrounding areas increases the crime rate.

This source aids in better understanding the history of public transportation and it’s role in shaping the city of Atlanta. In “Architectural Exclusion:  Discrimination and Segregation through Physical Design of the Built Environment”, transportation was listed as a method of architectural exclusion used to aid in segregation. This journal gives additional information on public transportation to help gain a larger understanding on the subject. This journal is well put together, but it is very inconclusive. There is no strong, solid data to back up the accusations and possible theories mentioned in the article. To make this journal a strong piece of evidence in an analysis, Poister needs to gather more data. This article adds information to the subject of segregation in Atlanta, as public transit was historically used to help segregate, as well as explaining how different aspects of the city, such as transportation, help shape Atlanta (4).

 

Annotated Bibliography 4

Sherman, a student at University of Pennsylvania, used a mapping software called ArcMap to examine special relations of highway tracts and their relation to separation of whites and non-whites. The results found that in southern states had more white people near the highways, while northern states had fewer white people. This can be explained by the southern and northern opposition during the Civil War.

For example, the construction of Interstate 74 created a clear racial boundary through Peoria, Illinois, which created neighborhood decay and high crime. The data from Illinois could easily be compared to Georgia’s interstate highway system and how it created different boundaries in Atlanta. This journal gives a more detailed explanation on how the construction of highways can lead to segregation in cities, intentional or not. This journal was written by an undergraduate student at the University of Pennsylvania, so it may not be perfect, although it is published to the public and backed my multiple professors, so it is safe to assume the journal is accurate. This source adds to the multiple examples collected from other sources of the ways that architecture has the ability to create segregation (7).

 

Annotated Bibliography 5

In this piece of writing, Holliman began research to answer why Atlanta contained so much poverty. Holliman discovered that opposing postwar renewal programs only benefited the politically powerful or wealthy and ignored antipoverty projects, which led to failing of federal programs and more private development in the city. This led to an increase of private spaces and decrease of public space and a larger and more apparent upper class whites and lower class disadvantage who are mostly African American.

This journal helps readers understand why there are more private development in the city and how that has affected both the upper and lower class people of Atlanta. This gives us more of a why all of the segregation in Atlanta came to be and is a good addition to all of the examples of segregation in the city. This was written and published by a student at the University of Georgia with direction of Paul S. Sutter, a history professor at the University of Colorado, so it is safe to call this source reputable. This piece also gives solutions to fix the problems stated and gives different viewpoints which are useful (2).

 

Annotated Bibliography 6

In this journal, Paul Trudeau states that historic preservation has been used as an important tool to preserve urban neighborhoods, and has the potential to be successful in Atlanta as well. Atlanta’s CBD became mostly black after the whites fled to the suburbs in response to the highway construction and commercial expansion following WWII. Wealthy white males used their influence to modify federal programs to promote private investment, which in turn created a barrier between the two communities. Atlanta wanted to expand and did so without thinking of the “slums”, by demolishing them for the good of the commercial activities. Historical designation is proven to impact property values, taxes, rental rates, the well-being of residents, and development in low income areas.

This article goes into the most detailed examples of barriers used in the city of Atlanta to segregate the two communities. This article can be used to back up previous annotated bibliography evidence. This source is reliable, although it gives a fairly one sided argument (8).

 

Annotated Bibliography 7

This report by Bullard, Johnson, and Torres show statistics on how the city of Atlanta has become more populated with white citizens, as well as how there is an increasingly large gap of poorer and unemployed black citizens compared to white citizens. This report helps show the effects and differences in black and white neighborhoods in Atlanta. I choose this article because it goes into detail in quality of life which can be tied into looking at predominately white and black neighborhoods. This article is full of statistics and facts and come from a trustworthy place. It gives a good two sided story that talks about lacks in poverty and the richest blacks in Atlanta (1).

 

 

Annotated Bibliography 8

This photograph shows how whites and blacks were strongly encouraged to live within their own separate communities. This picture helps support the facts that whites did not wat blacks moving into their “white” communities. Because this is only a photograph, we do not know the details surrounding this sign and can only make assumptions on what the author meant by it (9).

 

Annotated Bibliography 9

 

This bar graph shows the African American population in 200 and 2010 and the breakdown of how the population settled in Atlanta. This image can be used to support the argument that more blacks live where other blacks do and less live where whites are heavily populated. This image goes along to support the previous image as well (6).

 

Annotated Bibliography 10

This article was on the KKK and their involvement in the city of Atlanta. It went into detail on the horrors of the attacks on African Americans and the extreme of the racism during that time. I plan to use this article to further my argument on why African Americans do not feel welcome to live in white communities. I am also going to use this article to explain why a large number of African Americans moved out of the city of Atlanta and went further into the suburbs. This piece was written by someone enrolled in Coker College in South Carolina, meaning there is a very good chance the information is valid and usable in my analysis. It is unlike any of the other annotated bibliographies in this section so far and pulls ethos into the paper with the demonstrations of the brutal attacks on African Americans.

Works Cited

  1. “{Complete Report} The State of Black Atlanta 2010.” Atlanta Tribune The Magazine. Web. 29 Mar. 2016.
  2. Holliman, Irene V. “From ‘Crackertown’ to the ‘ATL’: Race, Urban Renewal, and the Re-making of Downtown Atlanta, 1945-2000.”University of Georgia (2010). n. pag. Web. 1 March 2016.
  3. Newman, Harvey K. “Race and the Tourist Bubble in Downtown Atlanta.”Urban Affairs Review3 (2002): 301-21. Web.
  4. Poister, Theodore H. “Transit-Related Crime In Suburban Areas.”Journal of Urban Affairs 1 (1996): 63-75. Web.
  5. Reynolds Farley, Howard Schuman, Suzanne Bianchi, Diane Colasanto, and Shirley Hatchett. “Chocolate City, Vanilla Suburbs: Will the Trend toward Racially Separate Communities Continue?”Social Science Research 4 (1978): 319-44. Web.
  6. “Segregation’s New Geography: The Atlanta Metro Region, Race, and the Declining Prospects for Upward Mobility.” Southern Spaces. Web. 29 Mar. 2016.
  7. Sherman, Bradford P. “Racial Bias and Interstate Highway Planning: A Mixed Methods Approach.”College Undergraduate Research Electronic Journal (2014): n. pag. Web. 1 March 2016.
  8. Trudeau, Paul J. “Friend Or Foe: The Viability Of Local Designation In The Peoplestown Neighborhood, Atlanta, Georgia.”University of Georgia (1998): n. pag. Web. 1 March 2016.
  9. “10 Ways Segregation and Economic Depravity Defined Chicago – Atlanta Black Star.” Atlanta Black Star. 2015. Web. 29 Mar. 2016.
  10. Lay, Shawn. “Ku Klux Klan in the 20th Century.” New Georgia Encyclopedia. 15 October 2015. Web. 25 April 2016.

 

 

 

Annotated Bibliography 6

In this journal, Paul Trudeau states that historic preservation has been used as an important tool to preserve urban neighborhoods, and has the potential to be successful in Atlanta as well. Atlanta’s CBD became mostly black after the whites fled to the suburbs in response to the highway construction and commercial expansion following WWII. Wealthy white males used their influence to modify federal programs to promote private investment, which in turn created a barrier between the two communities. Atlanta wanted to expand and did so without thinking of the “slums”, by demolishing them for the good of the commercial activities. Historical designation is proven to impact property values, taxes, rental rates, the well-being of residents, and development in low income areas.

This article goes into the most detailed examples of barriers used in the city of Atlanta to segregate the two communities. This article can be used to back up previous annotated bibliography evidence. This source is reliable, although it gives a fairly one sided argument.

 

 

Trudeau, Paul J. “Friend Or Foe: The Viability Of Local Designation In The Peoplestown Neighborhood, Atlanta, Georgia.” University of Georgia (1998): n. pag. Web. 1 March 2016.

 

https://getd.libs.uga.edu/pdfs/trudeau_paul_j_200508_mhp.pdf

Annotated Bibliography 5

In this piece of writing, Holliman began research to answer why Atlanta contained so much poverty. Holliman discovered that opposing postwar renewal programs only benefited the politically powerful or wealthy and ignored antipoverty projects, which led to failing of federal programs and more private development in the city. This led to an increase of private spaces and decrease of public space and a larger and more apparent upper class whites and lower class disadvantage who are mostly African American.

This journal helps readers understand why there are more private development in the city and how that has affected both the upper and lower class people of Atlanta. This gives us more of a why all of the segregation in Atlanta came to be and is a good addition to all of the examples of segregation in the city. This was written and published by a student at the University of Georgia with direction of Paul S. Sutter, a history professor at the University of Colorado, so it is safe to call this source reputable. This piece also gives solutions to fix the problems stated and gives different viewpoints which are useful.

 

 

Holliman, Irene V. “From ‘Crackertown’ to the ‘ATL’: Race, Urban Renewal, and the Re-making of Downtown Atlanta, 1945-2000.” University of Georgia (2010). n. pag. Web. 1 March 2016.

 

https://getd.libs.uga.edu/pdfs/holliman_irene_v_201005_phd.pdf

Annotated Bibliography 4

Sherman, a student at University of Pennsylvania, used a mapping software called ArcMap to examine special relations of highway tracts and their relation to separation of whites and non-whites. The results found that in southern states had more white people near the highways, while northern states had fewer white people. This can be explained by the southern and northern opposition during the Civil War.

For example, the construction of Interstate 74 created a clear racial boundary through Peoria, Illinois, which created neighborhood decay and high crime. The data from Illinois could easily be compared to Georgia’s interstate highway system and how it created different boundaries in Atlanta. This journal gives a more detailed explanation on how the construction of highways can lead to segregation in cities, intentional or not. This journal was written by an undergraduate student at the University of Pennsylvania, so it may not be perfect, although it is published to the public and backed my multiple professors, so it is safe to assume the journal is accurate. This source adds to the multiple examples collected from other sources of the ways that architecture has the ability to create segregation.

 

 

Sherman, Bradford P. “Racial Bias and Interstate Highway Planning: A Mixed Methods Approach.” College Undergraduate Research Electronic Journal (2014): n. pag. Web. 1 March 2016.

 

http://repository.upenn.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1208&context=curej

 

Annotated Bibliography 3

Poister, Theodore H. “Transit-Related Crime In Suburban Areas.” Journal of Urban Affairs 18.1 (1996): 63-75. Web.

 

“Transit-Related Crime in Suburban Areas” was written by professor of Public Administration at Georgia State University, Dr. Theodore Poister. This journal discusses the relationship between high crime rates and public transportation. Looking at Atlanta’s MARTA, research showed crime to initially increase, but was followed by a decrease in crime rates. Still, the fear of increasing crime because of public transportation continues to prevent the extension of public transit rail lines, preventing economic expansion and growth in cities. Because there was no strong correlation between expanding public transit and crime rates increasing, it is likely that there are other factors that influence the rise of crime rates, concluding that the data found in Poister’s research cannot be used to blame public transit directly for higher crime rates. This journal entry debunks the myth that public transportation in downtown Atlanta and surrounding areas increases the crime rate. This source aids in better understanding the history of public transportation and it’s role in shaping the city of Atlanta. In “Architectural Exclusion:  Discrimination and Segregation through Physical Design of the Built Environment”, transportation was listed as a method of architectural exclusion used to aid in segregation. This journal gives additional information on public transportation to help gain a larger understanding on the subject. This journal is well put together, but it is very inconclusive. There is no strong, solid data to back up the accusations and possible theories mentioned in the article. To make this journal a strong piece of evidence in an analysis, Poister needs to gather more data. This article adds information to the subject of segregation in Atlanta, as public transit was historically used to help segregate, as well as explaining how different aspects of the city, such as transportation, help shape Atlanta.

 

http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1467-9906.1996.tb00366.x/epdf

Annotated Bibliography 2

Newman, Harvey K. “Race and the Tourist Bubble in Downtown Atlanta.” Urban Affairs Review 37.3 (2002): 301-21. Web.

 

“Race and the Tourist Bubble in Downtown Atlanta” was written by Harvey K. Newman, a retired professor in the Andrew Young School of Policy Studies at Georgia State University. This journal explains the evolution of downtown Atlanta from a central business district to a popular tourist destination. This piece examines the multiple projects put in motion to bring in more visitors and stimulate the economy, a majority of which uprooted historically black areas in order to make room for more attractions. In “Architectural Exclusion:  Discrimination and Segregation through Physical Design of the Built Environment” the author explains different methods of using environmental factors as segregation tools. This journal goes into more detail on how certain methods, such as building highways, are used to block access of certain places to particular groups of people. This article is very well written and credible, but it mainly only focuses on the pro-tourism side of the city’s history. To make this piece more well-rounded, additional arguments on the cons of developing for tourism could have been included. While this article explains where and when racial segregation took place, the previous bibliography, “Chocolate City, Vanilla Suburbs” examines what causes this segregation.

 

http://uar.sagepub.com/content/37/3/301.full.pdf+html

Annotated Bibliography 1

Reynolds Farley, Howard Schuman, Suzanne Bianchi, Diane Colasanto, and Shirley Hatchett. “Chocolate City, Vanilla Suburbs: Will the Trend toward Racially Separate Communities Continue?” Social Science Research 7.4 (1978): 319-44. Web.

 

In “Chocolate City, Vanilla Suburbs”, investigators for the 1976 Detroit Area Study of the University of Michigan began intensive research to fully understand the residential segregation in the city of Detroit. Their research concluded that while blacks prefer to live in a neighborhood with a mixture of people with black and white descent, whites are not as accepting of integration into their neighborhoods. Similar to Detroit, many of Atlanta’s neighborhoods are predominately all black or all white. The cause of this segregation is likely similar to the reasons the DAS investigators revealed while studying the Detroit residential segregation. I chose to use this article because it offers a closer look into the detail of certain segregation caused by the environment and why it is caused. This article is very well written and is unbiased in its research methods. One weakness of this journal is that the investigators looked exclusively at Detroit while conducting their research, ignoring all other cities in the United States. Their theories on segregation may not hold true when applied in other cities across the country. This journal is similar to “Race and the Tourist Bubble in Downtown Atlanta”, in that both works examine racism and segregation to a certain degree. This piece looks more in depth at what causes the segregation, while the other journal examines how segregation affects the development of Atlanta.

 

http://ac.els-cdn.com/0049089X78900170/1-s2.0-0049089X78900170-main.pdf?_tid=a0b81e76-cbaa-11e5-ac0d-00000aab0f02&acdnat=1454637120_33380cc393c22be14a3d39