“The inferno of the living is not something that will be. If there is one, it is which is already here, the inferno that we inhabit every day, that we create by being together.” (Calvino 1972, Purcell 141)

I think this is implying that we as human citizens are living in hell with one another.

“The law also establishes that the development of urban land (whether in the formal sector or in the favelas) should be determined not only by its exchange value, but also by the “social use value” of the land and its surrounding area (Fernandes, 2006).” (Purcell 142)

This is implying if building new land will be a use of the social construct within the Brazilian city.

“Equal access for women to the power and resources of government will result in important material gains for people who are currently discriminated against.” (Purcell 143)

“Any citizen who believes that he or she has been wronged . . . may file a complaint with the ombudsman. This Charter is not intended to serve as the basis for a legal action nor to be used in a judicial or quasi-judicial form. (City of Montreal, 2006)” (Purcell 143)

“Member of Community-Based Organizations (CBOs) work on issues such as gentrification, environmental justice, homelessness, cultural preservation, juvenile justice, and the well-being of gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgender (GLBT) youth.” (Purcell 144)

“Henri Lefebvre was a French intellectual whose career spanned most of the twentieth century. His work ranges widely, from radical philosophy to rural sociology to urban studies to state theory. His thought is held together, however, by an unwavering commitment to the project of imagining and achieving revolutionary change in human society.” (Purcell 144)

“As that understanding of socialism might suggest, although Lefebvre was very much a Marxist, he was by no means an orthodox one.” (Purcell 145)

“As a result, the default agenda of Marxism, which is an inadequate one, has become for a worker’s party to seize the state and abolish classes and the property relation. “Revolution,” Lefebvre says, “was long defined either in terms of the political change at the level of the state or else in terms of the collective or state ownership of the means of production ….Today such limited definitions of revolution will no longer suffice” (1991/1974, p. 422).” (Purcell 145)

“He hoped that an analysis of space, and specifically of the “lived spaces” that people actually experience, would be able to apprehend human life as a complex whole and avoid reducing our understanding of experience to small fractions of life, such as class status, gender, race, income, consumer habits, marital status, and so on.” (Purcell 145)

He was about the intersectionality spectrum of all these things, not just one thing from another.

“He argues that such a project requires what he calls a new “contract of citizenship.” This seems odd, given that Marxists have tended to ignore questions of citizenship and rights. Lefebvre acknowledges this, admitting that rights are generally agreed to be liberal-democratic, or what he would call a bourgeois, project. But as usual he works against the grain to argue that it is possible to recapture a revolutionary potential from the project of rights.” (Purcell 146)

“Rather rights are always the outcome of political struggle. They are the manifestation, the end result of collective claims made by mobilized citizens. Because they result from struggle, they are always subject to further struggle, to renewed political agitation.” (Purcell 146)

“As autogestion develops, as it becomes generalized throughout society, people increasingly realize their own power. They come to see themselves as perfectly capable of managing their affairs on their own.” (Purcell 148)

“For him the city is not only the context in which industrial capitalism developed most fully, but it also contains the seeds of the destruction of capitalism. Moreover, the city is already producing, here and there, the beginnings of an alternative society beyond capitalism.” (Purcell 148)

“Appropriation is thus closely linked to both de-alienation and autogestion, to inhabitants making the space of the city their own again.” (Purcell 149)

“The right to the city is not users claiming more access to and control over the existing capitalist city, a bigger slice of the existing pie. Instead it is a movement to go beyond the existing city, to cultivate the urban so that it can grow and spread.” (Purcell 150)

“The urban does not yet exist in its mature form; rather it is still partial, an occluded image of what it can become.” (Purcell 151)

“The right to the city is similarly a beginning, an opening, a starting out down the path toward a possible urban world. That possible world is a long way off, and it is also, at the same time, right in front of us.” (Purcell 152)