Sisk makes several empirical claims throughout the book on how state building and peacebuilding work specifically.

Sisk discusses some problems of democracy-building post-conflict. His argument is that democracy-building puts vertical accountability and to cross-cut identity divisions in society. This and vertical accountability can be problematic because civil society is still most likely divided along conflict lines. For state building to occur successfully, organizations that transcend identity and conflict lines need to be supported. The election process is also crucial for a democracy to emerge post-conflict. Sisk discusses how it is important to establish election processes but to not rush them. He claims that establishing a legitimate election and government is usually rushed because of an outside entity’s exit strategy. Knowing when an electoral process will induce conflict and lead to violence is also very important. The indicators help establish a timeline of legitimizing a new government.

Chapter five focuses on the early phases of capacity in the government. This includes the government’s ability to oversee, negotiate, and regulate foreign investments. The new public administration must be able to provide services for basic human needs and capacities while also rebuilding state-society relations. State building is not just about building the capacities within a public administration but to also have members of that administration have the skills necessary to engage with local communities. Building this relationship shows that a developmental state and administration is about inclusion rather than resorting to authoritarian characteristics. For long-term state building tools, Sisk discusses how it is important to focus on stabilizing economic policy making and to centralize the development of education and health care.