The Atlanta Streetcar: A Symbol of Atlanta’s Transit Struggle

An Atlanta Streetcar S70 Light Rail Vehicle (LRV) at the Centennial Olympic Park stop.
An Atlanta Streetcar S70 Light Rail Vehicle (LRV) at Centennial Olympic Park. (Shutterstock)

GSU students are familiar with the Atlanta Streetcar. It cuts through our university and is a part of the atmosphere of our urban downtown campus. However, few of us actually ride it. Many other Atlantans and tourists also don’t ride it, as its ridership is lackluster at best. The vehicles regularly gets stuck at intersections due to traffic congestion and are often obstructed by vehicles parking on the tracks. The trip time is sometimes no faster than walking the whole route. To top it off, the route’s maintenance facility sits underneath a highway overpass, a reminder of the car-centric city we live in. What led to the creation of the streetcar? What was it intended to do? What went wrong that led to its current state today? The answer to these questions reveals a larger pattern in Atlanta’s repeated missteps in public transit planning.

A Brief History on Streetcars in Atlanta

Atlanta has a deep streetcar history, albeit detached from the modern day one. The first rails were laid in 1871, with their vehicles being drawn by mules. A few years later, by 1890, these new streetcars were electrified. The Georgia Railway and Power Company (now known as Georgia Power) ran these routes and funded the expansion of them. These routes would be the backbone of Atlanta transit for over 80 years until being phased out by trolley-buses and later diesel-powered buses with streetcar service ending on April 10, 1949.1 From then on, Atlanta did not have a streetcar, at least until an ambitious plan in the early 2000s.

An old streetcar of Atlanta's past system bound for Decautur.
A historic image of the streetcars of Atlanta’s past. (Southeastern Railway Museum)

A Bold Plan for Atlanta

Seeing the success of the new streetcars built in Portland, Oregon, many cities in the United States aimed to create similar plans to redevelop their waning downtown neighborhoods and increase connectivity in the community. Atlanta would not be left behind. Peachtree Street, the famous arterial road running through Downtown Atlanta and Midtown, had the opportunity to become a more than a connecting street. It could instead serve as a unifying piece between the prospering Midtown and struggling Downtown Peachtree Street was envisioned to move partially away from being just for cars and the redevelopment along the entire road was to be accompanied by a bold new transportation project, the Atlanta Streetcar. This new streetcar was to link the large employment center of Downtown, the cultural and tourist attractions of downtown, and the various residential developments and entertainment venues in Midtown and Downtown. This project was to spur even more economic development and crucially bring development to the problematic neighborhood of Sweet Auburn, which had notably been in economic decline as the rest of the city marched onwards into the 21st century.2 This ambitious plan, obviously, was never fully realized. Today’s streetcar route only runs on Peachtree Street for a fraction of its route, does not run to Midtown, and the neighborhood of Sweet Auburn remains far from its glory days as the center of black economic prowess in the 1900s. What happened?

The Vision of What Was Meant to Be

The Atlanta Streetcar was mostly designed, built, and funded by the City of Atlanta. This would later be a major contributing factor to the issues surrounding the project as a whole. MARTA was involved in the project, but in a more advisory and oversight capacity than in direct involvement. In fact, the City of Atlanta actually operated the streetcar from its opening until 2018 when MARTA fully took over operations. The project was also partially funded by a federal transportation grant program known as TIGER, or “Transportation Investment Generating Economic Recovery. These grants were a part of the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009 in the wake of the Great Recession. The initial 2 lined project applied for funding, but did not win the first round of funding.3 In response to this, the project was cut down from a 10 mile combined North/South and East/West system to a “Phase I” 3.2 mile E/W starter line in an attempt to be more appealing in the bid process and save money.4 The decision to only do the E/W line was made despite the N/S line being a more viable transportation project with higher projected ridership figures. This may have been motivated by the idea of spurring economic development in downtown and notably the neighborhood of Sweet Auburn, which had been struggling for many years prior to the project. This was successful, and the project won funding the second round of funding in 2010 and construction began in 2012 with the route opening in late 2014 at a final cost of approximately $98 million. 5

The initial 10-mile N/S and E/W lines plan. (Georgia State University Library)

Initial Challenges

The route even before opening has been plagued with issues. Experienced professionals were hard to find in assisting the City of Atlanta in the midst of all the streetcar projects popping up all over the nation. After opening, the situation did not improve very much. Multiple severe safety issues cropped up ranging from issues with the overhead electrical system, lack of training, and personnel issues which led to an audit by the Georgia Department of Transportation that threatened to shut down the system showing just how severe these issues were. Ridership declined over time, especially as fares were introduced (the streetcar was initially free). Fare evasion became rampant with over half of riders not paying according to the city. Documentation issues related to ridership on the streetcar even risked putting Atlanta as a whole ineligible for future federal transit grants. Most of these issues stem from the City of Atlanta’s constant mismanagement of the project, partly due to the lack of expertise as noted earlier and the priority of using the project as an economic development tool instead of a transit project as evidenced by the prioritization of building the E/W route over the N/S route. MARTA’s involvement was unclear, with management seeming to be in a state of chaos as no one seemed to know who was in charge of doing what. 6

A Small Piece of History

Beyond the planning and development of the downtown route, the streetcar’s maintenance facility tells a small bit of history on the neighborhood it runs through, Sweet Auburn. The facility sits under the overpass of I-75/85 right along the Grady Curve. While the area itself does not have much history after the highway was built, we can get a glimpse of the history of the neighborhood of Sweet Auburn. Records show that in the 1890s to the 1920s the area was mostly single family housing for colored residents, with shops lining the streets of what is now today Auburn Ave. and Edgewood Ave.7 The block would further densify into the 1930s with single family homes being demolished and replaced with apartments. Interestingly, an alley running from the middle of Bell St. to Fort St. called “Raspberry Alley” on the Sanborn fire maps split the block east to west right where the streetcars are stored today. It was this alley where a Mr. David Lee Perry lived in 1945 at 263 Raspberry Alley. Mr. Perry would be tragically murdered in 1945 on nearby Jackson St. being caught in the crossfire between four youths who had started a disturbance outside the business he was visiting.8 All these residents and businesses who lived on this block would be forced out during the construction of the downtown connector of I-75/85 in 1962.9 After this, the land under the overpass would remain vacant with it then becoming a parking lot until the streetcar project in 2013 when the maintenance and storage facility was built.10

Sanborn firemap depicting the block where the streetcar maintenance facility stands today. S. denotes shops and D denotes dwelling. (Sanborn Fire Insurance Map of Atlanta #33, 1931)

Current Operations and Lingering Issues

MARTA fully took over streetcar operations in 2018 to consolidate light rail under a newly created division at the authority. Since then, safety has gotten better with MARTA having more experience with maintaining and staffing a transit system.11 Notably, MARTA had to send all 4 of the vehicles to the manufacturer in California in 2022 after issues were discovered with the wheels, but this was luckily discovered before any incident occurred.12 However, other issues persist such as the ridership still being lackluster, vehicles getting stuck in traffic, and as of writing mechanical issues mean that only 1 light rail vehicle operating the route with a paratransit van having to substitute as the second vehicle.

MARTA’s takeover of the streetcar system came as multiple light rail projects were planned in the city ranging from the Clifton Corridor from Lindbergh to Avondale to multiple Beltline rail projects which had been planned at the same time as the streetcar’s initial inception. Of course, as of 2025 none of the projects are under construction and are still stuck in the planning phases, with the Clifton Corridor having been downgraded from light rail transit (LRT) to bus rapid transit (BRT). Only one Beltline rail project is currently in active development, an extension of the current streetcar system eastward to the Beltline and then up it to Ponce City Market. However, recently Mayor Andre Dickens has withdrawn support for the project, saying that transit on the Beltline should focus more on lower-income areas, specifically the southwest side of the trail despite final engineering of the eastward extension due to be completed with construction expected to begin later this year. 13

A City at a Crossroads

While Mayor Dickens has an understandable cause behind his actions to serve Atlantans who desperately need better transit on the southwest side of the city, the idea of abandoning or shortening the eastward extension may lead to similar mistakes that led to the streetcar being in the less functional state that it is today. So much effort, work, and money has already been poured into the project, and it has a chance of making the streetcar a genuinely useful option for people trying to get between the busy areas of downtown to the Beltline and Ponce City Market.

Without any actual meaningful implementation of the bold projects such as Beltline rail, proposed new infill stations along the current MARTA heavy rail routes, the Clifton Corridor, and many others, Atlanta is currently stuck in a transit hell of perpetual planning and studies and constant political arguments over what should be the priority in projects. Projects like the Clifton Corridor and Beltline rail show an example of projects that should have been completed decades ago. Meanwhile, the streetcar is an example of a project that did get built, although in a reduced and watered down form. As these petty disputes continue to drag on, costs are only getting higher and traffic continues to get worse. 

Conclusion: Atlanta Must Do Better

The Streetcar is not a great transit route, stemming from its flawed planning, the plan of it primarily being an economic development tool instead of a transit route, and terrible execution, as highlighted by a 93 page report by MARTA on what could be improved about the current route. Luckily it has a chance of improvement by implementing some of the items of improvement from that report such as automated switches, traffic signal priority, and a dedicated right-of-way that would accompany the planned eastern extension. Those items combined could make the streetcar more than the symbolic failure that it is in its current state. Atlanta has so many viable transit projects that could improve this city, as evidenced by the many folders I came across when researching for this project. Plans ranging from rail transit to Cobb County, a vast commuter rail system for the Atlanta area, and many extensions to the current rail system, but none of them ever saw the light of day, much less a shovel in the ground. Atlanta as a whole can, and must, do better. While other cities around the nation such as Seattle, Minneapolis, and Los Angeles continue expansion projects on their public transit, meanwhile here in the south, Atlanta has become the city where transit plans go to die. The streetcar is just one of those projects that did manage to get built after getting watered down, reduced in scope, and priorities shifted. We must learn from these past mistakes, do better, and push forward. We have to. Atlanta will only continue to grow and traffic will worsen. If Atlanta is to grow sustainably, our leaders must act on their promises and projects and not just talk about and plan our transit infrastructure. The best time to build mass transit was yesterday; the second best time is now. 

Thank you to Darin Givens for helping provide articles instrumental to the completion of this project.

Sources

500.1 – Atlanta streetcar environmental assessment, 2010, Box: 59, Folder: 19. MARTA operations records, L2023-03A. Georgia State University Library Special Collections.

Almanov, Talgat, “Atlanta streetcars removed from service over safety concerns, according to MARTA”, Atlanta News First, December 8, 2022. https://www.atlantanewsfirst.com/2022/12/09/atlanta-streetcars-remove-service-over-safety-concerns-according-marta/

Atlanta Streetcar East Extension Existing System Enhancement Report, Metropolitan Atlanta Rapid Transit Authority, November 2024, https://itsmarta.com/uploadedFiles/More/Future_and_Current_Projects/Current_Projects/MARTA_ATL_SCE_Task_2.1_Existing_System_Enhancements_Final_Report_November_2024.pdf

Atlanta streetcar project, 2013-2014, Box: 1, Folder: 4. MARTA operations records, L2023-03A. Special Collections 

Cultural Resources Survey, 500.2 – technical memorandum, Peachtree Streetcar, 2009-2010, Box: 59, Folder: 18. MARTA operations records, L2023-03A. Special Collections.

Freemark, Yonah, “For Now, Atlanta Opts to Promote Streetcar Starter Line Over Beltline”, The Transport Politic, August 23, 2010. https://www.thetransportpolitic.com/2010/08/23/for-now-atlanta-ops-to-promote-streetcar-starter-line-over-beltline/

Green, Josh, “Atlanta Mayor Yanks Support for Eastside Beltline Streetcar”, Urbanize Atlanta, March 13, 2025, https://atlanta.urbanize.city/post/breaking-mayor-yanks-support-eastside-beltline-streetcar.

Hurley, Joseph A. and Katheryn L. Nikolich, The Sprawling of Atlanta: Visualizing Metropolitan Area Change, 1940s to Present, Georgia State University Library.

Keenan, Sean, “MARTA Officially Takes Over Atlanta Streetcar Operations, Curbed Atlanta, July 2, 2018, https://atlanta.curbed.com/2018/7/2/17525438/marta-streetcar-downtown-takeover-transit.

Leslie, Katie, “Cling Clang Clunk? Inside the Atlanta Streetcar’s First Year”, Atlanta Journal Constitution, December 19, 2015.

Project Information Package, 500.2 – technical memorandum, Peachtree Streetcar, 2009-2010, Box: 59, Folder: 18. MARTA operations records, L2023-03A. Special Collections.

Reed, Mary Beth, Historic Streetcar Systems in Georgia, Georgia Department of Transportation, January 31, 2012. https://www.dot.ga.gov/InvestSmart/Environment/CulturalResources/Pubs/GAStreetcar.pdf

Sanborn Fire Insurance Map of Atlanta, Fulton County, GA, Volume 1 Sheet 33, 1931. 

Streetcar Activation Plan, 2018, Box: 15, Folder: 9. MARTA operations records, L2023-03A. Special Collections.

Streetview of Fort Street over the years, Google Earth, earth.google.com.

“Undertaker Employee Slain on Jackston St.”, Atlanta Daily World, January 17, 1945.

Wickert, David, “Work Remains to Address Atlanta Streetcar Audit”, Atlanta Journal Constitution, March 17, 2017. 

Williams, Dave, “Atlanta Loses Streetcar Grant”, Atlanta Business Chronicle, American City Business Journals, February 17, 2010. https://www.bizjournals.com/atlanta/stories/2010/02/15/daily26.html.

  1. Reed, Mary Beth ↩︎
  2. Project Information Package, 500.2 – technical memorandum, Peachtree Streetcar, Section 2 Page 5-7 ↩︎
  3. Williams, Dave ↩︎
  4. Freemark, Yonah ↩︎
  5. Leslie, Katie ↩︎
  6. Wickert, David  ↩︎
  7. Sanborn Fire Insurance Map of Atlanta ↩︎
  8. “Undertaker Employee Slain on Jackston St.” ↩︎
  9. Hurley, Joseph A. and Katheryn L. Nikolich ↩︎
  10. Streetview of Fort Street over the years ↩︎
  11. Keenan, Sean ↩︎
  12. Almanov, Talgat ↩︎
  13. Green, Josh ↩︎

Sparks Hall – Then and Now

At 33 Gilmer Street stands a building called Sparks Hall. It’s been serving as a classroom space for 70 years, but before that, the site had a few different lives. As Atlanta has transformed into a major urban center, the evolution of its buildings reflects broader shifts in the city and civic life. By tracing the roots of Sparks Hall and looking toward its future, we can uncover insights into both the growth of Georgia State University and the changing landscape of Atlanta itself.

Historical Background

Zoomed in image of a Sanborn Fire Insurance Map showing the corner of Gilmer and Courtland where Sparks Hall now lives. You can see some sparse dwellings in the lot.

In the late 19th century, the lot that now holds Sparks Hall was residential. Ranging from 27 to 31 Gilmer Street at the time, we can find a handful of dwellings on the corner of Gilmer and Courtland1. Considering their proximity to the lumber yards, we can infer that these were working-class homes, either to private homeowners or possibly rented out.

When cross-referencing the 1892 Atlanta City Directory, we find that residents of these lots included individuals like J.L. Sanders and J. E. Lynch, who seems to have lived at 26 Gilmer Street (34 Gilmer Street after 1891) for around 20 years if we follow his name through the directories to 1902 2. By the 1931 Sanborn Map (to the right), however, the landscape had begun to shift. Many of the earlier residences had been replaced or cleared, and auto-related uses such as parking lots and garages had begun to dominate the area, signaling the rising influence of car culture and downtown commercial activity in early 20th-century Atlanta. 3

Sanborn Fire Insurance Map from 1931 showing the corner of Gilmer and Courtland Streets where Sparks Hall now lives. Where there were previously dwellings there is now auto parking and a plumbing supply shop.

This transformation from residential to commercial utility mirrors a common urban trajectory in American cities during this period, where proximity to growing downtowns made such neighborhoods prime targets for redevelopment.

20th Century Changes

By the mid-20th century, the character of the Gilmer Street lots had shifted again—this time toward institutional use. As Georgia State College (then the College of Business Administration) began expanding its presence downtown, the land that once held homes and then parking was absorbed into a growing campus footprint. The university needed more classroom space, and by the early 1950s, plans were underway for a new building that would become Sparks Hall.

These changes occurred within the broader context of urban redevelopment and campus planning. As Georgia State expanded downtown, similar redevelopment projects were reshaping nearby neighborhoods, most notably Sweet Auburn, a historically Black business and cultural district4. Urban renewal plans in the mid-20th century led to the demolition of many Black-owned businesses and residences in Sweet Auburn, a pattern seen across American cities where infrastructure and institutional growth displaced communities of color. While framed as progress, GSU’s expansion participated in this larger restructuring of the urban landscape, which often prioritized institutional needs over community preservation.

Newspaper clipping from 1960 on the dedication of Sparks Hall for Dr. George Sparks
Newspaper clipping from 1960 detailing the dedication of Sparks Hall, The Atlanta Constitution5

In 1960, the University named the new building Sparks Hall to honor Dr. George Sparks, who had been president of the university for 29 years, through many moves and changes, including the construction of this building 6.

A photo from the 1964 Atlanta Journal-Constitution Photographic Archives shows students gathered outside Sparks Hall during its early years, suggesting the building quickly became a hub of student life. Alongside classroom use, Sparks Hall and the surrounding area were sites of student protests and sit-ins during the civil rights era, marking it as a physical and political space in the university’s history7. The two photos below are prime examples of Sparks Hall’s presence, taken in 1967 and 1992, respectively8.

A 1964 picture of the front of Sparks Hall. Some people are walking in front and around the building.

Construction of Sparks Hall

These changes occurred within the broader context of urban redevelopment and campus planning. Georgia State’s early expansion plans included buying up nearby lots on Decatur Street and creating a more unified downtown campus. Later development plans, like the Library Plaza Greenway, proposed the demolition of Sparks Hall to make way for more open space, adding another chapter to the building’s long and layered history.

The construction of Sparks Hall in the early 1960s came at a pivotal moment in Georgia State’s history. As the institution transitioned from a branch of the University of Georgia to the independent Georgia State College (and eventually Georgia State University by 1969)9, there was an urgent need for more classroom space to serve a rapidly expanding student population.

Located on the lots at 29–35 Gilmer Street, Sparks Hall was built to accommodate this growth. The structure marked a clear shift in how the university used space, consolidating what had been parking lots, shops, and earlier residential properties into a purpose-built academic facility. It was one of the earliest major construction projects in what would become a long-term effort to transform downtown Atlanta into a cohesive university campus. Nearby, developments were in progress to add more campus spaces to the area, including the Plaza, or as it is called now, the Campus Greenway. Below is a series of photos from the Georgia State University Library Archives that show the progress on the Library Plaza development1011. The plaza sits between the library to the left and Sparks Hall on the right12.

The building’s presence also signaled Georgia State’s increasing influence on the surrounding urban landscape. The university had begun acquiring more property on Decatur Street and nearby blocks, gradually replacing older commercial and residential buildings with institutional infrastructure. Sparks Hall helped anchor this process of change, both symbolically and physically, standing at the heart of the university’s downtown expansion and serving generations of students and faculty.

Future Plans

Today, Sparks Hall continues to serve as one of Georgia State University’s central classroom buildings. With floors full of general-purpose classrooms, administrative offices, and department spaces, it remains a high-use building for undergraduate instruction. Many students, especially those in their first and second years, take core curriculum courses in this building, just as thousands have for the past seven decades. 

This image is a rendering of the future of GSU's campus greenway. Expansions include removal of buildings and adding more green spaces. There are lots of trees and seating, and library is to the right.

Photo from Georgia State University News Hub, rendering of the future of the campus greenway, to the left is where Sparks Hall would be and the right is the Library

However, Sparks Hall’s future is uncertain. As part of the university’s campus greenway redevelopment project, Sparks Hall has been identified for demolition to create a pedestrian plaza that links Hurt Park to the Campus Greenway, providing more of a traditional college campus quad area for students to use13. The goal of this project is to introduce more open space into GSU’s dense urban campus, improving walkability and helping to integrate the campus into the downtown area, while providing more outdoor spaces for students to utilize14

While the proposed greenway reflects contemporary design trends and a student-centered vision for public space, it also marks the end of an era for one of GSU’s oldest active buildings. The removal of Sparks Hall would not only change the physical appearance of Gilmer Street but also erase a tangible link to a key period in the university’s growth. Its demolition would be a reminder of how institutional priorities – and the cityscapes they shape – continue to evolve.

The story of Sparks Hall is more than just the history of a single building. It reflects the broader transformation of Georgia State University from a small business college to a major urban institution, mirroring the evolving landscape of downtown Atlanta itself. From 19th-century residential lots to a mid-century academic building to a planned greenspace in the 21st century, the site has continuously adapted to meet ever-changing civic and institutional demands. 

By tracing the change at Sparks Hall, we gain insight into the priorities that have shaped Atlanta’s urban core: the push for modernization, the impacts of institutional expansion, and the tensions of progress. Even as Sparks Hall may be removed from the skyline, its history offers a glimpse into how cities grow, who they serve, and what they choose to remember.

  1. Sanborn Fire Insurance Map of Atlanta, Fulton County, GA, Map 20, 1892. ↩︎
  2. Atlanta City Directories, 1881; 1891; 1892; 1896; 1899; 1902 ↩︎
  3. Sanborn Fire Insurance Map from Atlanta, Fulton County, GA, Map 14 1931. ↩︎
  4. Wiggins, D. (2022). “Save Auburn Avenue for Our Black Heritage”: Debating Development in Post–Civil Rights Atlanta. Journal of African American History107(1), 79–104. https://doi.org/10.1086/717346 ↩︎
  5. Georgia State To Dedicate Sparks Hall. (1960, Nov 15). The Atlanta Constitution (1946-) ↩︎
  6. Georgia State University, Past Presidents, President George M. Sparks https://president.gsu.edu/past-presidents/president-george-m-sparks/ ↩︎
  7. Jackson, Charles D., Atlanta Journal-Constitution Photographs, Georgia State College students protesting dismissal of two political science professors, Atlanta, Georgia, May 17, 1967. ↩︎
  8. Karas, Marlene, Atlanta Journal Constitution Photographs, Georgia State University students stage a sit-in at Sparks Hall after a racial slur was written on a campus trash can by a fraternity member, 1992 ↩︎
  9. Georgia State University Library. Research guide: Special Collections and Archives: Georgia State University History: Timeline. Retrieved April 8, 2025, from https://research.library.gsu.edu/c.php?g=115683&p=754495 ↩︎
  10. Georgia State University Library, Area for Georgia State University Library Plaza [Second Phase], 1970s ↩︎
  11. Georgia State University Library, Construction for Georgia State University Library Plaza, 2nd Phase, July, 1972 ↩︎
  12. Atlanta Journal-Constitution, Georgia State University’s Library North, Kell Hall, and Sparks Hall overlooking Library Plaza, 1980 ↩︎
  13. Kroth, M., Creating a True College Town Downtown, Georgia State University Magazine https://news.gsu.edu/magazine/creating-a-true-college-town-downtown ↩︎
  14. Georgia State News Hub, Georgia State Plan Will Transform Atlanta Campus, November 12, 2024 https://news.gsu.edu/2024/11/12/georgia-state-plan-will-transform-atlanta-campus/ ↩︎

Centennial Olympic Park

The Olympic Rings at Centennial Olympic Park1

The 1996 Summer Olympics took place from July 19th to August 4th in the city of Atlanta, Georgia and marked the 100th anniversary of one of the most prestigious sporting events worldwide. Atlanta was awarded the status of host over the original host Athens, and in doing so, made the United States the first country to host Games in three different cities, after St. Louis and Los Angeles.2 The Olympic Games were an opportunity for revitalization in various parts of the city, both for welcoming the world into our city, and to renew the city itself. Several new facilities were built in anticipation for the Games, including the Centennial Olympic Stadium, The McAuley Aquatic Center, and Centennial Olympic Park. The first two facilities were later acquired by local universities (Georgia State University and Georgia Tech, respectively) but the latter remains a core part of downtown Atlanta, and will be the focus of this article.

Before The Olympics

1919

1919 Map of Atlanta3

Above is a map of Atlanta showing how the land that Centennial Olympic Park would occupy more than 80 years later was covered in various types of buildings. There was an even mix of residential housing and businesses.

1928

Before there was even an inkling that the Big Peach would host such an esteemed event, the land that would eventually become the Park was a lot more fluid with its surroundings, as seen in the comparison below. On the left is a map of the area from 1928, and the right is a modern map.4 The Streets of Harris, Cain, and Hayden were essentially wiped out in order to build the Park, and both Luckie and Walton Street were cut off as well. Techwood Drive was also renamed to Centennial Olympic Park Drive.

1929

Looking into Atlanta City Directories is a great way to learn more about what people and businesses were in every little part of the city, and also to track changes in these areas. For the purpose of this article, the years 1929 and 1961 were studied to see if there were any major changes in the 30+ years that pass. 1929 is where we start the comparison.

The Streets of Cain, Harris, Hayden, Luckie, Walton, and Marietta were chosen in order to document changes of the streets that either border the park or were removed in construction. Most of the streets in this area were mostly just housing for white people. For example, where Cain and Luckie intersected, there were mostly white women living in apartments, such as Ms. Cordelia Callaway and Ms. Prudie Gillespie.5 There were also small businesses in the vicinity, with contractors and plumbers based at the intersection of Luckie Street and Cain Street. The area as a whole was also rich in various types of automotive shops.

1931-1932

Sanborn Fire Insurance Map, 1931-19326

This brings us to our next moment in time, which is 1931-1932. This Sanborn map is situated right at the heart of the present day park, displaying the streets of Baker, Harris, and Cain. There is a lot of automobile based businesses in these blocks, such as sales, tire service, and parking. There were also a few other stores such as one for Paints and Oils, and even the Adolf Hotel.

In just a few short years, the area was already moving towards a more commercial and industrial sort of feel.

1945

Land Use Map, 1945 7

After a little under 15 more years, the area is now almost completely covered in commercial/industrial buildings. This sector is starting a trend that continues into the next section as well.

1961

Now it’s time to dive back into the City Directory, and this time it’s for 1961. This section really completes the industrialization trend, as there are now no remaining residential areas. The intersection of Marietta and Cain is home to a large automobile garage and an upholstering business, and the crossing of Harris and Techwood offers advisement firms, contractors, and even more auto shop (because who doesn’t want more?).8 The most interesting development of the area is situated at Walton and Cain, where you could find the Twentieth Century Fox Film Studios, which is nice foreshadowing to the giant that Atlanta becomes in the modern world.

1995

Our final stop on the timeline is right before construction of the park began. Below is an image from the Atlanta History Center depicting what the land held before everything was razed to build the park. It’s very clear that the area was still mostly comprised of commercial properties. It was also starting to become a bit more rundown as time went on. “In the early 1990s, this area was filled with warehouses, small businesses, and open lots, and bordered by aging public housing complexes.”9

Future Centennial Olympic Park Land, March 1995

Awarding of the Games

For many large-scale sporting events, decades of planning are required to make sure that host cities and countries are ready. For example, the FIFA World Cup receives bids and awards host countries as far as 12 years away. This is also the case for the Olympics. “In September of 1987, Atlanta submitted its bid to the United States Olympic Committee Headquarters in Colorado Springs, Colorado, along with thirteen other American cities.”10 In early April 1988, Atlanta was selected as America’s candidate to host the 1996 Olympics. Atlanta then submitted its bid to the International Olympic Committee in 1990, which included over 5 volumes of information introducing the IOC to our city. The other cities up for contention were Athens, Belgrade, Manchester, Melbourne, and Toronto. Many assumed that Athens would be the favorite for the award, seeing as the 1996 Games were 100 years after the first modern Games were held in Athens.11 Spoiler alert: the city of Atlanta won after nearly 9 years of campaigning!

Park Origins

As soon as the news broke that Atlanta was going to host one of the most significant sporting events in the world, the city government immediately got to work. The ACOG was formed: Atlanta Committee for the Olympic Games, which was a nonprofit. These committee was focused on using only privately-raised funds to bring the Games to life, which had never been done before. ACOG spent around $1.7 billion over six years, with around a quarter of that fund spent on construction. The funds came from sponsorships, ticket sales, merchandize, and broadcast rights. One of the most notable sponsorships was Coca-Cola, which supplied more than $300,000,000.12 Some believed that these Games had excessive commercialization as a result, especially when there were various corporate sponsor tents across Centennial Olympic Park.

Another way that the ACOG receive funds were through a commemorative brick program. Individuals could choose an inscription on a brick inside the park for $35, and over 330,000 bricks were sold by the start of the Games.13

The ACOG got right to work constructing all of the facilities that they would need. The most important athletic venue up for construction was the Centennial Olympic Stadium, which would house the opening and closing ceremonies, as well as all of the track and field competitions. But Atlanta also kept its own interests and revitalization aspirations in mind. The city entered an agreement with the Atlanta-Fulton County Recreation Authority and the Atlanta Braves, so that our resident baseball team could move into a brand new facility when the Games ended. This was also the case for the Olympic Village, which was the housing needed for more than 10,000 visiting athletes. The area chosen was Georgia Tech, with all of the housing configured into dorms for students following the Games.14

Downtown leaders realized a bit late, in 1993 to be exact, that there were no plans for a major outdoor gathering place for spectators. This is where the ACOG decided to kill two birds with one stone. They had to the opportunity to build a wide park and do so by purchasing, clearing, and transforming small scale businesses and parking lots. Over 21 acres were acquired, and the vision of an iconic area for the 1996 Olympic Games was established.

The job to bring the park to life was given to the H.J. Russell and Co. firm. Phase I of the park was completed in July 1996, just mere weeks before the opening ceremony. This phase had a budget of $28 million. Phase II was completed in 1998 for $15 million, as the Park was renovated to “support year round use by various organizations throughout the City of Atlanta and the region. Below are some images depicting the construction process.15

Construction of Centennial Olympic Park16

Utilization during the Olympic Games

Aerial View of Centennial Olympic Park during the Games17

Centennial Olympic Park was essentially the main hub for spectators to socialize and follow the various events of the day. It was “Filled with tents, entertainment stages, temporary exhibitions, and souvenir stations during the summer of 1996…”18 It was a great area for Atlanta residents to interact with foreign athletes and spectators, and dive into the sense of unity that the Olympics never fails to bring.

The Olympic Park Bombing

While the 1996 Games were largely a success for the city of Atlanta, they were also marked by tragedy. On July 27, Eric Robert Rudolph planted a pipe bomb within Centennial Olympic Park. Before detonation, the bomb was found by security officer Richard Jewell, and he made an attempt to evacuate the area. Sadly, the bomb went off and killed 2 and injured 111 others. Jewell was initially believed to be the culprit, but was later cleared. It wasn’t until 2003 when Rudolph was finally captured after a string of other bombings.19

Athletes and Game officials decided to continue with the 100th iteration of the Games.

Usage of the Park after the Games

The Centennial Olympic Games officially concluded on August 4th, 1996. The president of the IOC, Juan Antonio Samaranch declared these Games the “most exceptional Games ever.”20 The Atlanta Games were a popular success overall, as the city was debt free from all of the sponsorships and greater audiences were drawn in by the affordable ticket prices.

In the 30+ years from the Atlanta Games, Centennial Olympic Park has become a center for urban redevelopment, as it currently has a perimeter made up of museums, venues, hotels, and restaurants.21 The Park is also within walking distance of several notable Atlanta attractions, including the Coca-Cola Factory, Georgia Aquarium, and the College Football Hall of Fame.

It has also has hosted music festivals, such as Shaky Knees from 2016-2017.22

The newest addition to the park was introduced in 2019. Standing 11 feet tall and weighing in at 5,000 pounds, an aluminum sculpture of the Olympic Rings was unveiled with the title of “The Spectacular.”23 It has proved to be a spot for tourists looking to create memories, and invites guests to climb around the insides.

Conclusion

Overall the 1996 Olympics took a slightly rundown commercial sector into one of the most iconic areas in the city of Atlanta. Centennial Olympic Park has proven to be a vital part of our city, and will continue to do so in the future.

  1. “Best Things to Do at Centennial Olympic Park in Atlanta,” Discover Atlanta, July 1, 2024, https://discoveratlanta.com/things-to-do/outdoors/centennial-park/. ↩︎
  2. “List of Olympic Host Cities,” Architecture of the Games, accessed April 2025, https://architectureofthegames.net/olympic-host-cities/. ↩︎
  3. Foote And Davies Company. Atlanta. [N.P, 1919] Map. Retrieved from the Library of Congress, <www.loc.gov/item/75693190/> ↩︎
  4. ATLMaps, “Centennial Olympic Park Area Maps: 1928 and Present Day,” https://www.atlmaps.org. ↩︎
  5. Atlanta City Directory, 1929. ↩︎
  6. Sanborn Fire Insurance Map of Atlanta, Fulton County, GA, Map 43, 1931.https://digitalsanbornmaps-proquest-com.eu1.proxy.openathens.net/browse_maps/11/1377/6155/6523/97899?accountid=11226 ↩︎
  7. “Land Use Map of Atlanta, 1945,” CONTENTdm, n.d., accessed April 2025. ↩︎
  8. Atlanta City Directory, 1961 ↩︎
  9. Michael Dobbins et al., Atlanta’s Olympic Resurgence: How the 1996 Games Revived a Struggling City (Chicago: Arcadia Publishing Inc, 2021). ↩︎
  10. Dobbins et al., Atlanta’s Olympic Resurgence. 2021 ↩︎
  11. Dobbins et al., Atlanta’s Olympic Resurgence. 2021 ↩︎
  12. Dobbins et al., Atlanta’s Olympic Resurgence. 2021 ↩︎
  13. “Stop 12: Centennial Olympic Park,” Atlanta History Center, September 13, 2021, https://www.atlantahistorycenter.com/programs-events/public-programs/olympic-paralympic-games-celebration/sites-and-venues-of-96/centennial-olympic-park/#:~:text=Initial%20funds%20came%20from%20the,building%2C%20to%20the%20park%20project. ↩︎
  14. Dobbins et al., Atlanta’s Olympic Resurgence. 2021 ↩︎
  15. www.kickoffmarketing.com Kick Off Marketing, “Construction Group Projects,” H. J. Russell & Company, https://web.archive.org/web/20081205000825/http://www.hjrussell.com/constructionProjects/public-CentennialPark.htm. ↩︎
  16. “Stop 12: Centennial Olympic Park,” Atlanta History Center, September 13, 2021, https://www.atlantahistorycenter.com/programs-events/public-programs/olympic-paralympic-games-celebration/sites-and-venues-of-96/centennial-olympic-park/#:~:text=Initial%20funds%20came%20from%20the,building%2C%20to%20the%20park%20project. ↩︎
  17. Atlanta History Center, 2021. ↩︎
  18. Atlanta History Center, 2021. ↩︎
  19. “Eric Rudolph,” FBI, May 18, 2016, https://www.fbi.gov/history/famous-cases/eric-rudolph. ↩︎
  20. Dobbins et al., Atlanta’s Olympic Resurgence. 2021 ↩︎
  21. Atlanta History Center, 2021. ↩︎
  22. Michelle Geslani, “Shaky Knees Reveals 2017 Lineup: The XX, LCD Soundsystem, Phoenix, and More,” Consequence, January 10, 2017, https://consequence.net/2017/01/shaky-knees-reveals-2017-lineup-the-xx-lcd-soundsystem-phoenix-and-more/. ↩︎
  23. Newest Centennial Olympic Park Feature is (the) spectacular – and built for Selfies – Georgia World Congress Center Authority, accessed April 2025, https://www.gwcca.org/newest-centennial-olympic-park-feature-is-the-spectacular-and-built-for-selfies. ↩︎
  24. Georgia World Congress Center ↩︎
  25. “Best Things to Do at Centennial Olympic Park in Atlanta,” Discover Atlanta, July 1, 2024, https://discoveratlanta.com/things-to-do/outdoors/centennial-park/. ↩︎

The Past of University Commons

University Commons is a dormitory for Georgia State University students. The dormitory houses approximately 2000 students in the varying 8-12 story building1. Its complex consists of four intertwined buildings with a courtyard in the center. Located in the block made by Piedmont Avenue, Ellis Street, John Wesley Dobbs Avenue, and the split road created by the off ramp of 85/75 South and Jesse Hill Jr Drive, University Commons was built in 2005. That makes this building a fairly recent construction in the area, and it begs the questions:

What was there prior?

Who lived on this lot before the University decided to move the on-campus students into this land?

Before these questions are able to be answered, it is important to note the changes of certain road names as these changes reflect an area that we know today that may not be known in the same way historically. John Wesley Dobbs Avenue was renamed in 1994, with its original name being Houston Street2. The street where the off ramp splits onto Jesse Hill Jr Drive was once called Butler Street, but this change came in 20013. The last change is more so an erasure than a renaming, as the small street that ran through the plot where University Commons now stands, Logan’s Alley, is now not seen in any maps of the area. For the sake of accuracy and attention to the history of the area, we will refer to the past street names rather than the ones that are used in present day. Refer to Map 1 and 2 to understand the general area of the old and new streets. 

Photo depicts Google Maps of current University Commons. Shows the current street names.
Map 1. Google Maps image of current streets surrounding University Commons.4
Image of 1931 Sanborn Fire map. Indicating old road names. Street to left was Butler Street.
Map 2. 1931 Sanborn Fire map. Street to left most side was Butler Street.5

Through this writing, one can follow the history of what once was before University Commons came to be in this area. It is important to note that this plot of land was predominantly owned and lived on by people of color. There were many homes scattered throughout the plot in earlier times, but our focus will be on the news, businesses, stores, churches, etc. that existed here.

Corner of Houston Street and Piedmont Avenue

This image conveys the corner of Piedmont avenue and Houston Street from a 1911 Sanborn map.
Map 3. 1911 Sanborn map depicting where James McDougald’s Drugstore was located. The “S” is the drugstore.

The corner of Houston Street and Piedmont Avenue, which is seen in the bottom left when referring to Map 2, had a very significant change over the years. A key concentration on this corner is plot 124, which gets turned into 170/176. Based on the Atlanta city directories, plot 124 was a corner plot that has been a grocery6, drug store7, and/or convenience store. It had many different workers there and had residents that lived above the shop. One important note to make is that it is known through the 1902-1913 Atlanta City Directory that this plot had a drug store owned by James McDougald8. The importance of this specific drugstore is related to one of the employees that worked there. The employee was John Wesley Dobbs9, who was a civic leader for African American rights in Atlanta10. He would later have Houston street renamed after him.

Image of McDougald's Drug Store from 1912.
McDougald’s Drugstore Advertisement from 191211.

Following James McDougald’s drugstore, the plot 124 appeared to be vacant for a few following years until it became a confectionery12. Within the next few years after that, the plot would change from 124 to 170/176. Eventually, the stores that sat on Houston Street and Piedmont Avenue would soon become a plot for an auto repair garage, as shown on the Sanborn map of 193113. The auto repair shop remained for several years, with a growing parking lot starting to surround it and gradually take over the living spaces of residents that once surrounded plot 124. An aerial map from 199314 shows the corner going from the auto rep building to a parking lot. In 200515, the lot was fully bulldozed and awaiting construction for University Commons.

Corner of Houston Street and Butler Street

Sanborn Map (1911) depicting Gate City School/
Map 4.1911 Sanborn map showing Gate City School16.

Moving toward the bottom right corner of the block, the 1899 Sanborn map17 indicates that there was a school in this area titled Gate City School. Gate City School was built in the 1880s, with its original name being Houston Street School18. Gate City School was known as a school to educate African American students. The plot then became vacant, but eventually it turned into a motor freight terminal1920. In a 1968 aerial, it was seen to be turned into a parking lot21. In 2005, it was bulldozed and awaiting construction for University Commons22

Logan’s Alley

As discussed earlier, Logan’s Alley was a street that ran straight through University Commons, but now this street no longer exists. However, there was significance to its existence. This specific street did face a lot of suffering. On July 6, 1888, two officers came into a house on Logan’s Alley and arrested a man named Jack Ward, a black man, for assault with intentions of murder23.

Newspaper article from the Atlanta Constitution (1899) of a black man killed by an officer in Logan Alley

On August 12, 1889, a black man named Charley Knight was killed by an officer named Ed Chanler. Knight was shot by Officer Chanler in the corner of this alleyway24.  On February 18, 1929, an unknown man, presumed to be about 30 years old, was found dead in the alley25. On July 6, 1939, a truck caught on fire and its blast burned a man in Logan’s Alley26. Each of these incidents give insight to the brutality that the street had seen. However, it is also important to note that the street did have instances of community as well. There was a church on Logan’s Alley called the Moses Chapter Baptist Church, which was located on plot 12027. The church was known to be a colored church, and it held funerals for people in the community28. Prior to the church, it seemed to be living suites for people of the community. The Sanborn map also shows that there was a bus station on the northside of Logan’s Alley. Logan’s Alley soon disappeared over time, and it eventually became a parking lot. In 2005, the parking lot was bulldozed and awaiting construction for University Commons29.

Corner of Ellis Street and Butler Street

1931 Sanborn map showing Bethel Baptist Church.
Map 4. 1931 Sanborn map showing Bethel Baptist Church30.

This corner, shown by the top right corner when referring to Map 2, contained various buildings. In the 1899 Sanborn map, it was just dwelling for individuals31.  The 191132 Sanborn map shows that there were stores located there, but unfortunately, no further information could be found about those stores. The stores were still at that time surrounded by dwellings. One of those stores eventually became Bethel Baptist Church33. On September 4, 1932, newspapers showed that Bethel Baptist Church was very popular at the time34.  The corner later became empty and vacant with no buildings standing. The lot faces the same demise as other parts of the area, as it was turned into a parking lot first and then eventually bulldozed for the construction of University Commons35

Corner of Piedmont Ave and Ellis Street

Newspaper clipping from Atlanta Constitution in 1949 depicting the death of the watchman in the Excelsior Laundry.
Atlanta Constitution 1949 clipping of Excelsior Laundry watchman.

This corner, located in the northern left corner of the lot, developed buildings a little later than the rest of the property. It first showed signs of a building in a 1930 Sanborn map36. This map showed that there was a laundry facility located in the area as well as a cleaning plant. The corner also had a business called Excelsior Laundry. The Excelsior Laundry on this corner faced some unsettling incidents in its time of operation. On March 6, 1949, a night watchman for the laundry, John Crawley, was found dead in the basement of the laundromat. This was not the first attack he had been victim to37. In more recent history, parts of the laundry building stayed standing until 1993. In 2005, it was bulldozed and awaiting construction for University Commons38

Conclusion

Understanding what was at University Commons before the students moved in is important. It can be clearly seen that a lot of people were here before. People lived here, opened up shops, went to church, attended school, and participated in many other daily life activities. There were unfortunate events that were faced by the community and constant reshaping of the area’s uses, but we should never forget those who once were on the same plot of land. Students at Georgia State University should be aware of what was here before them and be able to tell the stories of those who were here prior. Who knows, maybe in the future University Commons will be transformed into a whole different building and someone will need to spread its stories as well.

  1. Community Living Guide-University Commons. (2019). Housing. https://myhousing.gsu.edu/community-living-guide/residence-hall-information/university-commons/ ↩︎
  2. Dobbs, John Wesley | The Martin Luther King, Jr. Research and Education Institute. (n.d.). Kinginstitute.stanford.edu. https://kinginstitute.stanford.edu/dobbs-john-wesley ↩︎
  3. Jesse Hill. (n.d.). New Georgia Encyclopedia. https://www.georgiaencyclopedia.org/articles/business-economy/jesse-hill-1927-2012/ ↩︎
  4. 33°00’00.0″N 45°00’00.0″E · 33.000000, 45.000000. (2019). 33°00’00.0″N 45°00’00.0″E · 33.000000, 45.000000. 33°00’00.0″N 45°00’00.0″E · 33.000000, 45.000000. https://www.google.com/maps/place/33%C2%B045 ↩︎
  5. Sanborn Fire Insurance Map of Atlanta, Fulton County, GA, Map 39, 1931-1932. ↩︎
  6. Atlanta City Directory, 1892. ↩︎
  7. Atlanta City Directory, 1913. ↩︎
  8. Atlanta City Directory, 1913. ↩︎
  9. Keen, R. (2013, September 24). The John Wesley Dobbs House – History Atlanta. History Atlanta. https://historyatlanta.com/john-wesley-dobbs-house/ ↩︎
  10. John Wesley Dobbs. (n.d.). New Georgia Encyclopedia. https://www.georgiaencyclopedia.org/articles/history-archaeology/john-wesley-dobbs-1882-1961/ ↩︎
  11. Display ad 50 — no title.(1912, Nov 07). The Atlanta Constitution (1881-1945), pp. a24. ↩︎
  12. Atlanta City Directory, 1921. ↩︎
  13. Sanborn Fire Insurance Map of Atlanta, Fulton County, GA, Map 39, 1931-1932.
    ↩︎
  14. Sprawling of Atlanta. 1993 Aerial Mosaic Layer. (2025). ↩︎
  15. Sprawling of Atlanta. 2005 Aerial Mosaic Layer. (2025). ↩︎
  16. Sanborn Fire Insurance Map of Atlanta, Fulton County, GA, Map 154, 1911-1925.
    ↩︎
  17. Sanborn Fire Insurance Map of Atlanta, Fulton County, GA, Map 45, 1899.
    ↩︎
  18. Houston Street School – Digital Library of Georgia. (2025). Usg.edu. https://dlg.usg.edu/record/geh_athpc_1043 ↩︎
  19. Sanborn Fire Insurance Map of Atlanta, Fulton County, GA, Map 39, 1931-1932.
    ↩︎
  20. Sanborn Fire Insurance Map of Atlanta, Fulton County, GA, Map 39, 1924-Mar. 1962. ↩︎
  21. Sprawling of Atlanta. 1968 Aerial Mosaic Layer. (2025). ↩︎
  22. Sprawling of Atlanta. 2005 Aerial Mosaic Layer. (2025). ↩︎
  23. DARK DEEDS.: ANOTHER QUIET DAY IN THE POLICE CIRCLES. JACK WARD, THE STABBER CAUGHT–SOME HEAVY FINES IMPOSED BY HIS HONOR OTHER CRIMINAL ITEMS. THE CARVER CAPTURED.(1888, Jul 06). The Atlanta Constitution (1881-1945), pp. 5.  ↩︎
  24. KILLED BY AN OFFICER.: CHARLEY KNIGHT SHOT DOWN BY A POLICEMAN. REACHING FOR AN AXE THE NEGRO COMES VERY NEAR OVERCOMING THE PATROHNAN, AND THE LATTER RESORTS TO HIS PISTOL FOR PRECTION.(1889, Aug 12). The Atlanta Constitution (1881-1945), pp. 5. ↩︎
  25. DEAD MAN FOUND IN ATLANTA ALLEY IS NOT IDENTIFIED.(1929, Feb 18). The Atlanta Constitution (1881-1945), pp. 1. ↩︎
  26. TRUCK TANK BLAST BADLY BURNS MAN.(1939, Jul 06). The Atlanta Constitution (1881-1945), pp. 22. ↩︎
  27. Sanborn Fire Insurance Map of Atlanta, Fulton County, GA, Map 39, 1924-Mar. 1962. ↩︎
  28. (COLORED.).(1944, Nov 19). The Atlanta Constitution (1881-1945), pp. 4. ↩︎
  29. Sprawling of Atlanta. 2005 Aerial Mosaic Layer. (2025). ↩︎
  30. Sanborn Fire Insurance Map of Atlanta, Fulton County, GA, Map 39, 1931-1932. ↩︎
  31. Sanborn Fire Insurance Map of Atlanta, Fulton County, GA, Map 43, 1899.
    ↩︎
  32. Sanborn Fire Insurance Map of Atlanta, Fulton County, GA, Map 178, 1911-1925. ↩︎
  33. Sanborn Fire Insurance Map of Atlanta, Fulton County, GA, Map 39, 1931-1932. ↩︎
  34. CHURCH NEWS: BETHEL BAPTIST CHURCH BETHEL BAPTIST CHURCH, BUTLER AND ELLIS STREET.(1932, Sep 04). Atlanta Daily World (1932-), pp. 3A. ↩︎
  35. Sprawling of Atlanta. 2005 Aerial Mosaic Layer. (2025). ↩︎
  36. Sanborn Fire Insurance Map of Atlanta, Fulton County, GA, Map 39, 1931-1932.
    ↩︎
  37. Day, night hunt on for slayer of watchman.(1949, Mar 06). The Atlanta Constitution (1946-), pp. 6A. ↩︎
  38. Sprawling of Atlanta. 2005 Aerial Mosaic Layer. (2025). ↩︎

Big Bethel’s Resilience

Big Bethel AME Church

Big Bethel AME Church rests at 220 Auburn Avenue, a historic street often referred to as Sweet Auburn. In the Auburn Avenue street registration, this church is listed as being the “oldest institution” on the street.2 It is also commonly known as the oldest African American church in the city of Atlanta. The church itself was founded before the Civil War, but after the war, the congregation size gradually increased and even more so as the new century of 1900 quickly approached. By 1923, the church had just finished construction on their new building, still located at 220 Auburn Avenue. Pastor Richard Henry Singleton was preparing to hold the Annual Bishops Conference to show off the church’s beautiful new building. However, on February 16th, every plan moving forward would be disturbed: the newly constructed building burned down in a fire that was said to be caused by “defective wiring” within the structure.3 This was a moment that brought devastation to the community, but amid the devastation, there came moments of unity followed by triumph that would impact the church, the leaders, its then congregants, and its future congregants for generations to come. 

“Church Still Lives…” 

Churches are often looked at as a place rather than a thing. However, Big Bethel proved that a church can be a living and breathing organism, far more than the four walls they occupy. After the fire in 1923, the leaders and its congregation were displaced, but not discouraged. There was no sense of finality among the church and its members. In fact, the community quickly came together and planned for its future: local papers publicized a rebuild and fundraising pleas, the Odd Fellows Club directly across Butler Street offered their auditorium as a meeting place for the congregation, and members began plotting ways in which to raise money.4 Recovery from this devastation became a massive and beautiful communal effort. 

In a book titled We’re Heaven Bound! Gregory D. Coleman, longtime Big Bethel member wrote, “J.A. Lankford, a black architect, estimated the damage at $135,000. Although part of the money to rebuild the church came from small donations and larger philanthropic gifts, much of the funds had to be borrowed.”7 One can imagine the strain that this financial hole puts on the leaders of a church as Coleman later goes on to cite the issue of money and pure exhaustion being the reason for pastor Singleton’s death in 1923. While the distress over finances and eventual debt was very prominent, there was also seemed to be a deep trust in both community as well as God’s provision, two things that strong church communities place their faith in.

After 1923, the spirit and community of Big Bethel persevered and pushed forward as all hearts and minds within the congregation were lending themselves to find financial solutions for a church home that was loved so dearly. Within the congregation, there was a young woman named Lulu Jones. Lulu developed an idea which envisioned a story worth telling in a specific format. As her idea blossomed, she was able to enlist the help of English teacher, Big Bethel congregant, and choir member Nellie Davis to write a script based on Lulu’s imaginings. Together they formed an on-stage production entitled Heaven Bound. Despite, a vicious and morally complex copyright battle which led to a reclusive Lulu and a prospering Nellie, these two women shaped a play that would help ease the financial burden of the church as well as provide joy, entertainment, and a form of spiritual commentary for audiences for more than 100 years. 

Heaven Bound as a “pragmatic gesture…”

Within the archives at the Auburn Avenue Research Library, there is a brochure from 1947 presenting Big Bethel’s Heaven Bound. It was clear that this was a relic due to the delicate and stained quality of the paper which adds to the artifact’s beauty. Within the text of this relic, there is a written summary of the production: “Heaven Bound depicts the struggles of pilgrims on their way to the heavenly gates fighting the snarls and temptations of Satan.”9 That documented summary is essentially what Lulu Jones had envisioned as Nellie Davis soon followed with a penned script. What transpired from that script was a full-scale production with 75 spirited cast members and large musical numbers. Heaven Bound was not a production that came from a person seeking fame or accolades, it was a production that was formed from the goodwill of a community member who was seeking to help her church. Winona Weaver wrote so beautifully in her text about the impact of the production, “Heaven Bound started as a pragmatic gesture to help raise money to rebuild the Church, which had been destroyed by fire, but in its miraculous way, it served many other purposes.”10  

Brochure of Heaven Bound from 1947.11

Lulu’s concept and Nellie’s written script premiered on stage in 1930 in the sanctuary of the new Big Bethel building. As Heaven Bound progressed in the early 1930’s, it quickly resonated with crowds: “In February, 1930, at ten cents a head, Heaven Bound made its debut to packed houses. The play soon became a church-wide production which returned year after year to huge crowds and cultural acclaim.”12 It was attended and well loved by black and white audiences alike. In a time of segregation, this was an event that invited integration. Along with rave reviews, mass attendance, and faded racial barriers in the heart of the Jim Crow era, the Big Bethel choir amassed cultural fame as they performed for President Roosevelt at his Georgia home in Sandy Springs as well as the 1939 premiere of Gone with the Wind.13 

“It Can Be Done…” 

In 1934, Reverend Dewitt Babcock came on as pastor and changed the trajectory of the church. Along with him, many new and important figures began putting their best efforts into Heaven Bound. Henry Furlow played role of Satan and eventually became the production’s director. He was known for “his formality and a distinctive, foot dragging gait”16 which lent to his powerful role as Satan, a part he performed well into the 1980s. Henry’s wife, Florine, assisted as director, played piano, and led the music department within the production. Coleman writes of Florine, “Her strong, gentle presence not only complemented her husband’s authority but served notice that she was a force in her own right.”17 Both being professional educators, they “made the sanctuary their classroom and the players their students.”18 Having strong leaders such as Reverend Babcock and the Furlows induces a sense of courage, confidence, and unity among its congregants as it also gave everyone a heightened sense of zeal for their communal surroundings. 

Photos of Henry Furlow found at Auburn Avenue Research Library.19

In a text written by The New York Times, Heaven Bound’s ascent is documented: “Out of the depression and through the war years, Heaven Bound continues to pack them in. By popular demand, the pageant has been in towns and cities in Georgia, Tennessee, and North Carolina.”20 Arriving four years after its start, Reverend Babcock was able to witness much of that rise as Heaven Bound took miraculous shape through its early years and into the forties. By 1945, Heaven Bound was a financial achievement, and Reverend Babcock was able to complete the promise he routinely stated in regard to paying back the church’s financial debt: “It can be done.”21

By 1948, eighteen years after his arrival, the ministry reassigned the revered Reverend Babcock to a church in Savannah, ending his leadership at Big Bethel, but not his influence. While Reverend Babcock was the inspirational, encouraging voice behind the paying off the debt, he was not alone as it took a little more than 21 years of hard work by many along with strong community spirit to be able to place the stone placard on the side of Big Bethel’s brick structure:  

Plaque signifying Big Bethel’s milestone under Pastor Babcock.22
Newspaper announcing Big Bethels freedom of debt: “It Can Be Done”.23

Lulu Jones, Nellie Davis, and Henry and Florine Furlow were all a part of a movement within the church that was bookended by reverends R.H. Singleton and Dewitt Babcock. Of those two reverends, one died before an actualized vision of the future could be seen, the other came as the vision was being formulated and saw it through to fruition. The two decades between 1923 and 1945 chronicled devastation, rebuild, debt, innovation, and hope. Valuable individuals stepped up during that time and made a lasting impact that would serve the church and it’s community for the next 100 years as Heaven Bound is still performed annually, continuing the spirit of those who brought Big Bethel back to life from the physical and financial ashes. 

 

  1. Sanborn Map Company. Atlanta, Fulton County, GA, Map 45, 1899. ↩︎
  2. National Archives and Records Administration. Accessed April 8, 2025. ↩︎
  3. Ralph T. Jones,”Start Rebuilding of Big Bethel Monday Morning,” Atlanta Constitution, February 18th 1923, ProQuest Historical Newspapers. ↩︎
  4. Ralph T. Jones,”Start Rebuilding of Big Bethel Monday Morning,” Atlanta Constitution, February 18th 1923, ProQuest Historical Newspapers.  ↩︎
  5. Topographic Atlas of Atlanta, 1928, OpenWorld Atlanta. ↩︎
  6. We Must Rebuild Big Bethel,” The Atlanta Independent, February 18th 1923, Google News Archive. ↩︎
  7. Gregory Coleman, “We’re heaven bound!” (University of Georgia Press, 2017), 28 .  ↩︎
  8. “Heaven Bound Script,” Henry J. and Florine D. Furlow Papers 1938-86, Box 2, Auburn Ave. Research Library, Atlanta GA. ↩︎
  9. Heaven Bound,” Henry J. and Florine D. Furlow Papers 1938-86, Box 2, Auburn Ave. Research Library, Atlanta GA. ↩︎
  10. Winona L. Fletcher, “Witnessing a ‘Miracle’: Sixty Years of Heaven Bound at Big Bethel in Atlanta,” Black American Literature Forum 25, no. 1 (1991): 83–92.   ↩︎
  11. Heaven Bound,” Henry J. and Florine D. Furlow Papers 1938-86, Box 2, Auburn Ave. Research Library, Atlanta GA ↩︎
  12. Heaven Bound: New York Times,” Henry J. and Florine D. Furlow Papers 1938-86, Box 2, Auburn Ave. Research Library, Atlanta GA. ↩︎
  13. Carmolingo, Nicole. “Big Bethel African Methodist Episcopal Church.” New Georgia Encyclopedia, last modified Jul 15, 2020. ↩︎
  14. LBstrip038l, Lane Brothers Commercial Photographers Photographic Collection, 1920-1976. Special Collections and Archives, Georgia State University Library.  ↩︎
  15. LBstrip038l, Lane Brothers Commercial Photographers Photographic Collection, 1920-1976. Special Collections and Archives, Georgia State University Library. ↩︎
  16. Coleman, “We’re heaven bound!,” 77.  ↩︎
  17. Coleman, “We’re heaven bound!,” 77. ↩︎
  18. Coleman, “We’re heaven bound!,” 78.   ↩︎
  19. “Pictures of Henry Furlow as Satan,” Henry J. and Florine D. Furlow Papers 1938-86, Box 2, Auburn Ave. Research Library, Atlanta GA. ↩︎
  20. Heaven Bound: New York Times,” Henry J. and Florine D. Furlow Papers 1938-86, Box 2, Auburn Ave. Research Library, Atlanta GA. ↩︎
  21. Taschereau Arnold, “Babcock Hailed,” Atlanta Daily World, October 2nd 1945, ProQuest Historical Newspapers. ↩︎
  22. Lankford, J. A., American, architect, and 1922-23 reconstruction. Big Bethel African Methodist Episcopal Church. 1891-1905; burned 1920; reconstructed 1922-23. Stone. ↩︎
  23. Taschereau Arnold, “Babcock Hailed,” Atlanta Daily World, October 2nd 1945, ProQuest Historical Newspapers. ↩︎

Andrew Young at AYSPS: Pontifex Publicus in Practice

Pontifex Publicus: The Bridge Builder – Andrew Young and the Integration of Policy, Economics, and Social Justice

“Named after the esteemed civil rights leaders, diplomat, and public servant, our school embodies Andrew Young’s spirit of public service and dedication to social justice. His legacy serves as a guiding light for our community… shaping our mission and values, and driving us to create positive change in our society and beyond.” 1

Introduction – A Life That Embodied a School’s Mission

Sanborn Fire Insurance Map of Atlanta, 1899

A century ago, the corner of Peachtree and Marietta Streets bustled with hotels, pharmacies, restaurants, shops, and theaters – a lively downtown block captured in early Sanborn maps.2 Today, that same corner houses Georgia State University’s (GSU) Andrew Young School of Policy Studies (AYSPS), a space reimagined for public scholarship and civic leadership.

Reflecting the guiding principle behind Georgia State University’s most interdisciplinary school – one named not after a theorist of public service, but a gentleman who embodied its integration in real time. Andrew Young’s life spanned pulpits, protests, parliaments, and planning committees.34 What links these spaces is not the title he held – but the resonant throughline of values-driven, integrative leadership. From the Civil Rights Movement to city hall to the United Nations, Young demonstrated time and again that structural change demands more than idealism – it requires moral imagination, economic vision, and administrative skill, stitched together with precision.45 His legacy stands not only in Atlanta’s skyline or its global reach, but in the students who walk the halls of the Andrew Young School today, preparing to surmount public problems with that same layered, interdisciplinary lens.5

The Civil Rights Movement as Public Policy

Andrew Young’s path into public service was shaped by both spiritual conviction and political urgency. After earning a divinity degree from Hartford Theological Seminary, Young entered the ministry. After 6 years in Southwest Georgia, however, Young concluded pastoral work alone could not ameliorate the injustices encumbering his congregants in their pursuit of life, liberty, and happiness – or property for that matter.3 Come the 1960s, Young moved to Atlanta and joined the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) – becoming one of Martin Luther King Jr.’s closest strategists.3 During this time, he played a critical behind-the-scenes role in campaigns leading to the Civil Rights Act and Voting Rights Act, helping hearts and minds connect civil rights to economic and labor concerns.4 “We never thought of nonviolence as simply an appeal to the conscience of the administration,” he later explained. “It was about shifting the power alignments in society”.6 That principle guided his work in the 1968 Poor People’s Campaign, where he helped draft an “economic Bill of Rights” demanding employment, land, capital access, and participatory governance.3 These campaigns revealed early on that Young’s vision of justice required more than moral clarity – it demanded intentional policy, equitable infrastructure, and a method for wholistic transformation.

In 1972, Andrew Young became the first Black congressperson elected from Georgia since Reconstruction, carrying with him a civil rights ethos recently reshaped for legislative work. He viewed lawmaking as the next frontier for the movement, championing programs that expanded job training, housing access, and international development funding.37 According to Levy, Young was part of a broader shift among Black leaders who “reframed protest politics in the language of policy and investment”.4 That same ethos defined his work as U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations (1977 – 1979), where he promoted Carter-era diplomacy grounded in mutual development rather than neocolonial dominance. He worked to strengthen U.S. ties with African and Caribbean nations nations (e.g., Angola, Cuba, Haiti, Nigeria, and South Africa), bringing his civil rights lens to the global stage.47 “These countries are not poor,” Young argued. “They are simply underdeveloped… there’s tremendous wealth… that the skills and technology of the U.S. economy can participate in developing”.5 Whether in Congress or the UN, Young understood that civil rights without equitable access to capital was nothing more than a promise unfulfilled.

Andrew Young, Maynard Jackson, and Nelson Mandela in conversation during Mandela’s visit to Atlanta on July 12, 1993. The meeting underscored a shared legacy of justice, diplomacy, and urban leadership across continents.
Credit: Atlanta Journal-Constitution Photographic Archives

Economic Justice Through Political Power

Long before he held office, Young had already begun connecting economic deprivation to systemic injustice. As a lead strategist in the 1968 Poor People’s Campaign, Young helped craft a national mobilization that sought not just racial equality but “a meaningful job at a living wage… income for all who cannot work… access to land… access to capital… and participatory governance”.3 This was not protest for protest’s sake – it was an attempt to build a multiracial, cross-regional coalition that would redefine the scope of American democracy. The campaign anticipated themes that would define Young’s later career: public-private partnership, economic revitalization, and grassroots policy innovation. Though its immediate impact was limited by the aftermath of King’s assassination and logistical challenges, the campaign marked a critical turning point. It revealed Young’s emerging belief that lasting transformation required policy design, not just public dissent.

Mayor of Atlanta: The Integrated Approach in Action

When Andrew Young became mayor of Atlanta in 1981, he brought with him a philosophy forged through activism, diplomacy, and policy work: that public good could be advanced through private partnership. His administration sought to attract investment, expand infrastructure, and position Atlanta as a global city rooted in equity. During his two terms, the city welcomed $2.5 billion in new construction, 3,500 newly licensed businesses, and 43,000 new jobs – outcomes that earned him a reputation as a “rainmaker”.4

Mayor Andrew Young overlooks Woodruff Park from the 10 Park Place building on April 23, 1987. The photo reflects the scale of downtown redevelopment efforts during his tenure and the long view his public-purpose philosophy embraced.
Credit: Atlanta Journal-Constitution Photographic Archives

Young called this model “public-purpose capitalism,” aiming to align economic growth with social uplift.4 “We didn’t go to Washington for money,” he explained. “We went to Wall Street. We went to Rotterdam”.8 His economic ambitions for the city could be likened to that of a suspension bridge connecting Atlanta, Africa, and beyond – reconciling local opportunity with global development.9 But his bridge was not without its turbulence. “There were people who had worked for years to get into government,” he admitted in a 1985 speech. “And I come in as a mayor, and I say I want to do it differently. That’s going to create tension”.10 Critics questioned whether the benefits of growth truly reached the city’s weariest, nevertheless Young continued to build coalitions across sectors – championing his belief that progress required persistence, diplomacy, and compromise.

Education & Legacy: Why the School Carries His Name

            The decision to name GSU’s policy school after Andrew Young was not simply commemorative – it was thematic. AYSPS is built around the belief that economics, public administration, and social policy must not be separated, a conviction that Young lived long before the school’s founding.1 In both mission and method, the school reflects Young’s approach to leadership: interdisciplinary, pragmatic, and rooted in public service. Its diverse student body, esteemed international research centers, and degree programs in economics, public policy, criminal justice, and social work mirror the interconnected challenges that Young spent his career addressing. From “public-purpose capitalism” to coalition-based diplomacy, his methods were not theoretical – they were applied, negotiated, and often imperfect. “Martin Luther King and Nelson Mandela were not accidents,” Young once told graduates. “The schools they went to were created by people like you”.12 This spirit of integration animates the classrooms and hallways I now walk as a student of social entrepreneurship – a model of public service Young not only practiced but believed future generations must be trained to carry forward.7

Credit: Georgia State University

Long before I understood his role in history, Young shaped my daily life: my father’s job at the airport, my internship with the Peace Programs Development team at The Carter Center, even a commemorative family brick at Centennial Olympic Park placed when I was two (somewhere in block 62, I believe). It was not until after I enrolled at the Andrew Young School that I began to understand those connections – and to see that legacy is more than something we simply inherit or otherwise. Rather, like Sisyphus, we push it forward, inch by inch: arduous, yes – but virtuous. And unlike the myth, we strive never to be reset.

Conclusion – The Enduring Relevance of Unified Leadership

            Andrew Young’s life and legacy remind us that leadership is not about titles or stature – it is about how one connects vision to action, and values to systems. His career was a blueprint for interdisciplinary public service long before the phrase became fashionable. Whether navigating the halls of Congress, the floor of the United Nations, or the mayor’s office in Atlanta, Young practiced a form of governance grounded in conviction, coalition, and care. He understood the necessity and omnipresence of trade-offs, but never abandoned the belief that justice required intentional design. His approach echoes in the mission of the school that bears his name: to see policy not in static silos, but as an integrated field of economic, administrative, and social practice. “One of the principles of nonviolence,” Young once said, “is that you leave your opponents whole and better off than you found them”.9 If that principle can shape a life, it can surely shape a school – surely still, the nation.

Footnotes

  1. Thomas J. Vicino, “Welcome from Dean Vicino,” Andrew Young School of Policy Studies, Georgia State University.
  2. Sanborn Map Company, Sanborn Fire Insurance Map of Atlanta, Fulton County, GA (Sheet 4) (Digital Library of Georgia, 1899).
  3. Andrew J. Young, An Easy Burden: The Civil Rights Movement and the Transformation of America (New York: HarperCollins, 1996).
  4. Kevin Levy, “Selling Atlanta: Black Mayoral Politics from Protest to Entrepreneurism, 1973 to 1990,” Souls 17, no. 3–4 (2015): 423–444.
  5. National Governors Association, “Second Plenary Session: Within Our Borders,” C-SPAN, July 31, 1989.
  6. Lyndon B. Johnson Library. (1970, June 18). Oral history interview with Andrew Young. National Archives Catalog.
  7. DeRoche, Andrew J. (2003). Andrew Young : Civil Rights Ambassador. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers.
  8. Emory University. (2019, August 28). Conversation with Claire. YouTube.
  9. Emory University. (2023, March 08). The Many Lives of Andrew Young. YouTube.
  10. Young, A. J. (1985, August 16). Blacks in Government Keynote Address. C-SPAN.
  11. Young, A. J. (May 1998). Connecticut College Commencement Address.
  12. Andrew Young School of Policy Studies, “Welcome from Andrew Young,” Georgia State University.

Bibliography

  1. Andrew Young School of Policy Studies, “Welcome from Andrew Young,” Georgia State University, https://aysps.gsu.edu/welcome-from-andrew-young/
  2. Bridges, W. A. (1993, July 12). Andrew Young, Maynard Jackson, and Nelson Mandela talking together, Atlanta, Georgia. AJCP463-131b, Atlanta Journal-Constitution Photographic Archives. Georgia State University Library.
  3. City of Atlanta Bureau of Planning. (1970). Map of Atlanta. Georgia State University Library Digital Collections.
  4. DeRoche, Andrew J. (2003). Andrew Young : Civil Rights Ambassador. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers.
  5. Emory University. (2019, August 28). Conversation with Claire. YouTube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=54X-K6LYLng
  6. Emory University. (2023, March 08). The Many Lives of Andrew Young. YouTube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=b3sHN57pkhM
  7. Levy, K. (2015). Selling Atlanta: Black Mayoral Politics from Protest to Entrepreneurism, 1973 to 1990. Souls: A Critical Journal of Black Politics, Culture, and Society 17, (no. 3-4), 423-444.
  8. Lyndon B. Johnson Library. (1970, June 18). Oral history interview with Andrew Young. National Archives Catalog. https://www.discoverlbj.org/item/oh-younga-19700618-1-75-37
  9. National Governors Association. (1989, July 31). Second plenary session: Within our borders. C-SPAN. https://www.c-span.org/program/public-affairs-event/nga-second-plenary-session/141133
  10. Sanborn Map Company. (1899). Sanborn Fire Insurance Map of Atlanta, Fulton County, GA (Sheet 4). Digital Library of Georgia.
  11. Sanborn Map Company. (1950). Sanborn Fire Insurance Map of Atlanta, Fulton County, GA (Vol. 1, Sheet 0d). Digital Library of Georgia.
  12. Sanborn Map Company. (1950). Sanborn Fire Insurance Map of Atlanta, Fulton County, GA (Vol. 1, Sheet 12a). Digital Library of Georgia.
  13. Sharp, A. (1987, April 23). Mayor Andrew Young atop the 10 Park Place building, overlooking Woodruff Park, Atlanta, Georgia. AJCNS1987-04-23n, Atlanta Journal-Constitution Photographic Archives. Georgia State University Library.
  14. Thomas J. Vicino, “Welcome from Dean Vicino,” Andrew Young School of Policy Studies, Georgia State University. https://aysps.gsu.edu/welcome-from-the-dean/
  15. Young, A. J. (1985, August 16). Blacks in Government Keynote Address. C-SPAN. https://www.c-span.org/program/public-affairs-event/blacks-in-government/93417   
  16. Young, A. J. (1996). An Easy Burden: The Civil Rights Movement and the Transformation of America. HarperCollins.
  17. Young, A. J. (May 1998). Connecticut College Commencement Address. https://digitalcommons.conncoll.edu/commence/2/

“Truth, crushed to earth, shall rise again.” – William Cullen Bryant et al.

Woodruff Park

Woodruff Park is a 6-acre park in Downtown Atlanta, at the “geographic center of Atlanta.”1 In the current day, Woodruff Park is an odd place to experience. It has all the features you may expect of a normal park: trees, grass, a playground, art installations, a fountain… but it is flanked by tall, looming buildings, busy streets, and the noise of city life. Thousands of Georgia State University students walk through the park daily to access the classrooms and buildings to the west of the central campus, but few stop to enjoy the sun in the grass or the shade under the trees.

But this area was not always a park. Hundreds of businesses occupied the space from the time of Atlanta’s founding. The park was opened in 1973 as Central City Park, but its later namesake is of Robert W. Woodruff, a former president of the Coca-Cola Company, who had (anonymously) donated the money for the city to convert the land into a “downtown oasis.”2

Before the Park

The blocks that are now Woodruff Park are right next to Five Points, the intersection of Marietta, Edgewood, Decatur, and Peachtree. The blocks were bordered by Edgewood Avenue to the south, Peachtree Street to the west, Pryor Street to the east (now Park Place) and the Candler Building to the north, with Auburn Avenue running through the middle. Prior to 1925, the addresses of the buildings go from 73-125 Peachtree (odd), and 74-106 Pryor (even). After 1925, they changed to 33-117 Peachtree and 18-79 Pryor. The main railroad junction was just a few blocks southwest of this area.

The earliest Sanborn map made of Atlanta in 1886 shows that the area mostly contained businesses on the Peachtree side, including a carriage factory, and dwellings on the Pryor side. The First Methodist Church occupied the north part of the block, noted on the map as being built in 1870 and having an 120ft spire. This was later replaced with the Candler Building in 1906, and though not part of the area of the park, this church would have been a defining feature of this block and the entire Downtown area.

Speaking of Asa Candler, his original drug store was located around the southeast corner of Peachtree and Wheat (later Auburn). Asa Candler was the founder of the Coca-Cola Company in 1892, and amassed a fortune that allowed for the construction of the Candler Building in 1906. This 1889 engraving shows the Asa Candler & Co. store and offices, which was the sole proprietor of Coca-Cola at the time.6

The 1911 Sanborn map shows densely packed business blocks with more manufacturing and industry, including a shirt factory, a carpenter shop, optical manufacturing, a candy factory, and two bakeries. Aside from leisure, there were also three “moving picture theatres,” 2 hotels, and more unspecified businesses. Many of the buildings went above two stories, up to 7. The southeast corner of the lower block has a building labelled “Commerce Hall,” which Asa Candler Jr. (son of Asa Candler) was the renting agent for.8 He bought it in 1908. Also along Pryor St. was the Phillips & Crew Co. building (a book and music store), and the Candler Annex, an addition to the Candler Building.

Newspaper ad for the newly acquired Commerce Hall.9

The 1935 Sanborn map shows that the Commerce Hall building was then occupied by Haverty’s Furniture, a chain of furniture stores that was founded in Atlanta (though not at this location) and now has 121 locations in 16 states.10 The Phillips & Crew Co. building was occupied by the Southeastern Express, a railroad company. This 1923 photograph (left) shows the Southeastern Express building, Ludden & Bates (a piano store), and Cox Drugs.11 12

Another 1923 photograph (right) from the same collection shows Dundee Woolen Mills store at 85 Peachtree and the John L. Moore & Sons Opticians at 83 Peachtree.13

By 1950, a parking lot took up the space of a few buildings south of the Candler Annex and the two buildings next to it.14

Needless to say, these two blocks at the heart of Downtown were home to hundreds of businesses and countless stories from the very beginnings of the city to the buildings’ demolition. But by the 1960s, there was a desire from residents for more open land in Atlanta. In 1963, a regional parks and open space study was published to push for more nature to be reintroduced into the city.

“…despite central Atlanta’s present economic vigor, it is in many respects surprisingly unattractive: it is cluttered, dirty and congested. One notable defect–a dearth of usable and attractive open space–can still be remedied by thoughtful public and private action.”

Atlanta region comprehensive plan: regional parks and open space study15

The study analyzed the full extent of the city, but Downtown received harsh criticisms: “Despite many individually handsome buildings, downtown Atlanta possesses little visual appeal for the pedestrian: too frequently there is a lack of harmony between structures old and new, large and small; worker, shopper, and visitor are affronted by block upon block of narrow, roughly paved sidewalks, an excess of ill designed and poorly placed signs, posts and signals, and a quantity of street trash and litter that must surely give Atlanta a place of dubious distinction among its peer cities.”16 Only two small parks existed, while 55-60 thousand people worked in the area in 1962, as cited in the study. The map suggests around 1,700 people worked In the Woodruff Park blocks.

Here are some more photos where the block’s buildings are partially visible.

Who was Robert Woodruff?

Robert Winship Woodruff was the president of the Coca-Cola Company from 1923 to 1955. A native of Columbus, GA, his father was on the board of investors who bought The Coca-Cola Company from Asa Candler, its founder, in 1919. In his early adulthood, he worked in sales for White Motor Company, and became the company’s vice president in 1921.20

The Coca-Cola Company was struggling in the years following World War II due to sugar prices. Woodruff was offered the role of President as the board was familiar with his success with White Motor, and he accepted in 1923, at the age of 33. Under Woodruff’s leadership, the company’s success skyrocketed once again. Much of the branding we recognize from Coca-Cola today, like the “secret formula” and the six-bottle carton in grocery stores, was implemented by Woodruff. In addition, he introduced Coca-Cola to the global market, selling in 44 countries by the 1930s.21

In 1937, Woodruff established a philanthropic foundation and began donating to local causes. After over three decades of leadership, Woodruff retired from his position in 1955, but remained on the Board of Directors where he was “effectively maintaining control over the company’s affairs.”22 He continued to be an active philanthropist and anonymously donated millions to Emory University and the city, creating what would later be known as the Robert W. Woodruff Health Sciences Center, Woodruff Arts Center, and Woodruff Park. The Woodruff Foundation states, “his philanthropy focused on transforming the small, bustling railroad town into a world-class city.”23 Woodruff passed in 1985 and it was revealed that he was the anonymous donor behind his many contributions. His fortune established the Woodruff Foundation.

Today, the Woodruff Foundation describes itself as “an independent private foundation that seeks to improve the quality of life in Georgia by investing in health, education, economic opportunity and the vitality of the community.”24 In 2024, the foundation donated $80 million to Georgia State University for the expansion of the greenway and renovation of buildings.25

Central City Park: “A Downtown Oasis”

“[Central City Park is] a relatively unnecessary but certainly snazzy example of municipal consumption.”

Dr. Bruce Lindeman, associate professor of real estate and urban affairs at Georgia State University, for the Atlanta Constitution in 1972.26

In 1971, an anonymous foundation, later revealed to be Woodruff, donated stocks to the City of Atlanta, reported to value $9.8 million. They would be sold to fund the construction of a park between Peachtree, Auburn, Pryor, and Edgewood. The land was valued at $8.2 million and was being managed by R.C. Plumlee at Adair Realty. The Constitution article notes that this was not the first proposal to redevelop the block; it was “demonstrably underutilized, considering the location.” The original plans were to build a 55-story office building and a 18-story hotel on the land, but the funding for those projects fell through. A park was much cheaper and, as the open space study had found, much-needed.27

In May 1972, a section of the classified ads in the Constitution lists bargains on store fixtures in the “central city park lot.”28 By October, it was reported that the “wrecker’s hammer has almost cleared out that block.”29

Work was slightly delayed by a business that was “forced to stay on the site longer than anticipated.” The park’s planned completion date was April 7, 1973.30 The dedication was moved to April 14 due to the weather.31

The park was not without its critics, as cited above, but Atlanta loved the Central City Park. Every day, hundreds of workers would gather to eat lunch or take a break. It was also a site for activism, protest and city-sponsored events. In 1975, a rally was held to “finance projects including a central downtown library, parks and zoo improvements, street and traffic improvements, and storm sewer improvements. Mayor Maynard Jackson was in attendance.34 Multiple organizations for supporting Atlanta’s population held fundraisers in the park, such as Affirmation Atlanta, a movement for promoting anti-racism and city improvement.35 And political rallies were held by everyone, from communists to Unification Church cultists.36 37

The park saw many renovations in the decade following its opening. Before it was even completed, the Georgia DOT committed to rerouting Auburn Avenue to connect to Luckie St. and expand the park.38 Only a month after the park’s opening in 1973, it was reported that the buildings in the adjacent northern block were in the process of being acquired by the city to expand the park.39 They were demolished in 1974, and were noted to be “without architectural merit.”40 The rerouting of Auburn Avenue was begun after the buildings were gone, funded by Woodruff’s (anonymous) donation of another $3 million on top of GDOT’s contribution. It was completed in 1975.

In 1976, it was revealed that Woodruff was the anonymous donor behind his many philanthropic contributions.43 In 1982, a redesign of the park was announced to be completed in a year. The soil originally used was too poor for the trees to grow, and at the time, the park was only 40% green space, while the renovation planned to increase it to 60%.44 In 1985, following Woodruff’s death, the park was renamed to Robert W. Woodruff Memorial Park.45

Woodruff Park Today

“Like many other valuable pieces of real estate in American history, [Woodruff Park] has become the subject of hot debate, quiet deals, great expenditure of funds—both public and private—and has seemed to require, along the way, a military presence to secure its function for those who hold the power and intend to define the park’s use.”

Murphy Davis, in essay “Woodruff Park and the Search for Common Ground,” 1996.47

The 1996 Olympics brought in a wave of revitalization efforts to the city, and with that came another renovation of Woodruff Park, funded once again by the Woodruff Foundation. At this point, it had become a common spot for unhoused people to reside, and where community advocates, churches, and social services would provide food and donations. The central business was moving northwards, and the park was described as “worn, dirty and in some ways, dysfunctional.” The park would be completely closed for a year for repairs, which homeless advocates recognized as a sinister attempt to “get the homeless out of sight” before the Olympics.48 Indeed, officials were not subtle about their goals to make the new park hostile. As Murphy Davis notes, “Nimrod Long, whose firm was paid three hundred thousand dollars for a new design, was frank. He said that they were charged with the mission of creating a park that would be inhospitable to homeless people.”49

The 1995-6 renovations brought on protests from homeless advocates, urging the city to do something about the problem instead of just displacing all the people that had stayed in Woodruff Park.50 But the renovations continued on, and little was done about the homeless problem. The same conversation erupted as yet more improvements were implemented in 2004-2006.51

The Atlanta Downtown Improvement District was created by Central Atlanta Progress in 1995 as a public-private partnership to create a livable downtown. Central Atlanta Progress, Inc. has assumed operational responsibility for Woodruff Park since 2003.52 It is a private nonprofit that works with the city to “build a 21st century Downtown as the heart of the Atlanta region, a vibrant community with strong leadership and sustainable infrastructure that is safe, livable, diverse, economically viable, accessible, clean, hospitable, and entertaining.”53

In 2008, five self-cleaning public restrooms were installed around Atlanta, including one at the south end of Woodruff Park, in response to the need for them by the homeless.54

In 2016, the park was granted $200,000 from the Southwest Airlines “Heart of the Community” program. ADID aimed to use this money to “improve perceptions, increase park usage, [and] enliven the public space.” This resulted in small improvements like new tables and chairs and landscaping, as well as a permanent social worker position.55

The ADID published a Strategic Plan for Woodruff Park in 2020. It finally addresses the elephant in the room: the homeless population and how it has impacted the use and perceptions of the park. In addition, the Strategic Plan introduced the implementation of events, vendors, as well as inclusivity and accessibility initiatives. Many of these goals came to fruition to some extent, including the 2024 Peachtree Accessibility Project. This created an ADA-accessible path where there had previously not been one, removed a retaining wall, and created a stage area.56

Similarly to the 1996 Olympics, the 2026 World Cup has ushered in a new wave of revitalization in Downtown Atlanta. Improvements to Woodruff Park include a dog park, improved seating, additional lighting, public art, and an enhanced playground, initiatives deemed as “medium” priority on the Strategic Plan.57

Though the Strategic Plan listed a myriad of recurring and special events that were planned for the park, the only ones still on the website’s calendar is “Yoga in the Park” on Saturdays. The problems discussed in the Strategic Plan regarding the homeless population and perceptions of the park have not improved much in the five years since the plan. Another failing of the Strategic Plan is that a privacy screen was never installed around the restroom despite it being listed as high priority (deemed necessary because the restroom is at an intersection with high foot traffic).59

The beautifying efforts can only go so far. There is heavy police presence in the area, with the GSU police station just across the street, which does not quite maintain the peacefulness expected of a park. The near-constant smell of urine indicates that the one poorly-maintained public restroom is inadequate. Only those who have nowhere else to go use the park, despite its hostility towards them. The rest just pass through. As Downtown becomes increasingly consumed by Georgia State, will the park ever become a part of campus that students use for leisure like the greenway?

Woodruff Park, despite no longer being covered in buildings, is imbued with the “Atlanta Spirit,” the city’s unrelenting passion for business. Coca-Cola’s Asa Candler got his start in his drug store in the space, countless business came and went in the two blocks, and Robert Woodruff later used his Coca-Cola fortune to fund the park’s construction. And just like that, the history was forgotten in yet another case of Atlanta’s poor historic preservation. The park is constantly being improved upon to keep up the city’s image in line with investors and tourism, “not because Atlanta wants to cultivate public space, but because the world is coming to town…”60

Who is Woodruff Park for, anyways?

  1. “About Woodruff Park.” Atlanta Downtown. https://www.atlantadowntown.com/woodruff-park/about (accessed April 22, 2025). ↩︎
  2. Ron Taylor. “So Where’s Woodruff Park? Why, Right in the Central City.” The Atlanta Constitution, May 07, 1985, 1-A. ↩︎
  3. Atlanta 1911-1925 vol. 2, 1911, Sheet 151. Map. Atlanta: Sanborn Map Company, 1911. From Proquest, Digital Sanborn Maps 1867-1970. ↩︎
  4. Atlanta 1886, Sheet 10. Map. Atlanta: Sanborn Map Company, 1886. From Proquest, Digital Sanborn Maps 1867-1970. ↩︎
  5. L.A. Murdoch. “First Methodist Church.” Atlanta History Photograph Collection, c. 1900. https://album.atlantahistorycenter.com/digital/collection/athpc/id/431/rec/17 ↩︎
  6. Unknown artist. “Asa G. Candler & Company.” Atlanta History Photograph Collection, 1889. https://album.atlantahistorycenter.com/digital/collection/athpc/id/769/rec/1 ↩︎
  7. Unknown photographer. “Candler Building.” Atlanta History Photograph Collection, 1910. https://album.atlantahistorycenter.com/digital/collection/athpc/id/1240/rec/10 ↩︎
  8. “Asa G. Candler, Jr.” The Atlanta Constitution, Nov 27, 1910, F-7. ↩︎
  9. “Display Ad 21.” The Atlanta Constitution, Jun 01, 1908, 10. ↩︎
  10. “Haverty Furniture Companies, Inc. Annual Report on Form 10-K for the year ended December 31, 2019.” United States Securities and Exchange Commission, 2019. https://www.sec.gov/Archives/edgar/data/216085/000021608520000011/hvt10k123119.htm (Accessed April 28, 2025) ↩︎
  11. “Ludden & Bates.” Antique Piano Shop, n.d. https://antiquepianoshop.com/online-museum/ludden-bates/ (accessed April 28, 2025) ↩︎
  12. W. M. Edwards. “Cox Drugs, Ludden & Bates, Southeastern Express Co.” W. M. Edwards Photographs, 1923. https://album.atlantahistorycenter.com/digital/collection/edwards/id/10/rec/1 ↩︎
  13. W. M. Edwards. “Dundee Woolen Mills, Jno L. Moore & Sons” W. M. Edwards Photographs, 1923. https://album.atlantahistorycenter.com/digital/collection/edwards/id/13/rec/14 ↩︎
  14. Atlanta 1924-Mar. 1962 vol. 1, 1931-July 1950, Sheet 8. Map. Atlanta: Sanborn Map Company, 1886. From Proquest, Digital Sanborn Maps 1867-1970. ↩︎
  15. Atlanta Regional Commission. “Atlanta region comprehensive plan: regional parks and open space study.” Planning Atlanta, A New City in the Making, 1930s-1990s – Planning Publications, 1963: 4. https://digitalcollections.library.gsu.edu/digital/collection/PlanATL/id/37984/rec/6 ↩︎
  16. Atlanta Regional Commission. “Atlanta region comprehensive plan: regional parks and open space study.” Planning Atlanta, A New City in the Making, 1930s-1990s – Planning Publications, 1963: 35. https://digitalcollections.library.gsu.edu/digital/collection/PlanATL/id/38014/rec/6 ↩︎
  17. Bill Wilson. “Atlanta, Downtown.” Bill Wilson Photographs, 1949. https://album.atlantahistorycenter.com/digital/collection/Wilson/id/1660/rec/55 ↩︎
  18. Gabriel Benzur. “Downtown Atlanta.” Atlanta History Photograph Collection, 1951. https://album.atlantahistorycenter.com/digital/collection/athpc/id/1693/rec/60 ↩︎
  19. Joseph Janney Steinmetz. “Portrait of Robert Winship Woodruff, President of the Coca-Cola Company.” Steinmetz collection, 1944. https://floridamemory.com/items/show/254455 ↩︎
  20. Jamil Zainaldin. “Robert W. Woodruff.” New Georgia Encyclopedia, last modified Jul 20, 2020. https://www.georgiaencyclopedia.org/articles/business-economy/robert-w-woodruff-1889-1985/ (accessed April 23, 2025). ↩︎
  21. Jamil Zainaldin. “Robert W. Woodruff.” New Georgia Encyclopedia, last modified Jul 20, 2020. https://www.georgiaencyclopedia.org/articles/business-economy/robert-w-woodruff-1889-1985/ (accessed April 23, 2025). ↩︎
  22. “Robert W. Woodruff.” Robert W. Woodruff Foundation, 2015. https://woodruff.org/about/robert-w-woodruff/ (accessed April 23, 2025). ↩︎
  23. “Robert W. Woodruff.” Robert W. Woodruff Foundation, 2015. https://woodruff.org/about/robert-w-woodruff/ (accessed April 23, 2025). ↩︎
  24. “Robert W. Woodruff.” Robert W. Woodruff Foundation, 2015. https://woodruff.org/about/robert-w-woodruff/ (accessed April 23, 2025). ↩︎
  25. GSU Media Contact. “Georgia State Plan Will Transform Atlanta Campus.” Georgia State News Hub, November 12, 2024. https://news.gsu.edu/2024/11/12/georgia-state-plan-will-transform-atlanta-campus/ (accessed April 23, 2025). ↩︎
  26. Tom Linthicum. “Proposed ‘Cure’ for City Ills Critcized.” The Atlanta Constitution, September 14, 1972, 1-C. ↩︎
  27. Tom Walker. “Behind Scenes in Buying A Whole Downtown Block.” The Atlanta Constitution, July 11, 1971, 22-B. ↩︎
  28. “Classified Ads.” The Atlanta Constitution, May 03 1972, 17-C. ↩︎
  29. Tom Walker. “Foundations Face Uncertainty.” The Atlanta Constitution, October 01, 1972, 1-E. ↩︎
  30. Rex Granum. “Atlanta’s Central City Park to Sprout From Rubble in Less Than a Month.” The Atlanta Constitution, March 11, 1973, 14-C. ↩︎
  31. Rex Granum. “Proud Mayor Opens Park Downtown.” The Atlanta Constitution, April 16, 1973, 1-A. ↩︎
  32. Ray West. “Noon-day crowd in Central City Park, 1982.” ↩︎
  33. Thomas J. Flanagan. “Up From Georgia: The Central City Park.” Atlanta Daily World, February 12, 1974, 6. ↩︎
  34. Jim Gray. “Vote for Atlanta Is Rally’s Cry.” The Atlanta Constitution, November 6, 1975. 11-A. ↩︎
  35. Alice Murray. “Big Sunday in the Park.” The Atlanta Constitution, October 04, 1974, 8-A. ↩︎
  36. Sam Hopkins. “Few Attend City May Day Rally.” The Atlanta Constitution, May 02, 1975, 8-C. ↩︎
  37. Fay Joyce and Alice Murray. “Evangelical youths protest pornography.” The Atlanta Constitution, Oct 24, 1974, 1-D. ↩︎
  38. Tom Linthicum. “Expansion of Park Expected.” The Atlanta Constitution, March 23 1973, 13-A. ↩︎
  39. Gene Tharpe. “Demolition Abounds In City These Days.” The Atlanta Constitution, May 21, 1973. 8-A. ↩︎
  40. Raleigh Bryans. “Buildings to Yield to Park Growth.” The Atlanta Journal, May 31, 1974, 67. ↩︎
  41. Dwight Ross Jr. “Expansion of Auburn Avenue opened to traffic during the construction to expand Central City Park, August 14, 1975.” Atlanta Journal-Constitution Photographic Archive, 1975. https://digitalcollections.library.gsu.edu/digital/collection/PlanATL/id/7312/rec/6 ↩︎
  42. George Clark. “A new fountain and ampitheater were installed in Central City Park, May 3, 1978.” Atlanta Journal-Constitution Photographic Archive, 1978. https://digitalcollections.library.gsu.edu/digital/collection/PlanATL/id/7353/rec/13 ↩︎
  43. Raleigh Bryans. “‘Iron Curtain’ Lifts for Woodruff Peek.” The Atlanta Journal, April 10, 1976, 1. ↩︎
  44. Maria Saporta. “Fate of Park’s Trees Poses Plithy Problem.” The Atlanta Journal, February 18, 1982, 162. ↩︎
  45. Ron Taylor. “So where’s Woodruff Park? Why, right in the central city.” The Atlanta Constitution, May 07 1985, 1-A. ↩︎
  46. Roger O’Kelley. “April 1984 photo of Central City Park.” Atlanta Time Machine, 1984. https://web.archive.org/web/20161207155136/http://atlantatimemachine.com/downtown/central_city_park.htm (accessed December 07 2016). ↩︎
  47. Murphy Davis. “Woodruff Park and the Search for Common Ground.” In A Work of Hosptiality. Atlanta: The Open Door Community. 2002. 113-117. ↩︎
  48. Michelle Hiskey. “Raising Olympic Atlanta – A makeover for Woodruff – $5 million, yearlong facelift to improve the park will also make it less welcoming for the homeless.” The Atlanta-Journal Constitution, October 16, 1994, D-4. ↩︎
  49. Murphy Davis. “Woodruff Park and the Search for Common Ground.” In A Work of Hosptiality. Atlanta: The Open Door Community. 2002. 115. ↩︎
  50. Peter Kent. “City needs new answers to problem of homeless.” The Atlanta-Journal Constitution, October 20, 1994, A-10. ↩︎
  51. Rebecca Raymer. “Do not forget that homeless people are people as well.” The Georgia State University Signal, September 23, 2006. ↩︎
  52. Donald C. Reitzes, Timothy J. Crimmins, Johanna Yarbrough, and Josie Parker. “Social Support and Social Network Ties among the Homeless in a Downtown Atlanta Park.” Journal of Community Psychology 39, no. 3 (April 2011): 274–91. ↩︎
  53. “About Central Atlanta Progress.” Atlanta Downtown. https://www.atlantadowntown.com/cap/about (accessed April 22, 2025). ↩︎
  54. Eric Stirguss. “Public restrooms in tune with the times.” The Atlanta Journal-Constitution, February 22, 2008, D-1. ↩︎
  55. “2020 Woodruff Park Strategic Plan.” Atlanta Downtown Improvement District, 2020, 45. https://ctycms.com/ga-atlanta/docs/woodruff-park-strategic-plan ↩︎
  56. “Peachtree Accessibility Project.” Atlanta Downtown, n.d. https://www.atlantadowntown.com/woodruff-park/about/peachtree-accessibility-project (Accessed April 29, 2025). ↩︎
  57. Spatial Plans LLC. “Downtown Atlanta Neighborhood Transformation Initiative.” ArcGIS Storymaps. https://arcg.is/0mSSuH (accessed April 22, 2025) ↩︎
  58. Spatial Plans LLC. “Downtown Atlanta Neighborhood Transformation Initiative.” ArcGIS Storymaps. https://arcg.is/0mSSuH (accessed April 22, 2025) ↩︎
  59. “2020 Woodruff Park Strategic Plan.” Atlanta Downtown Improvement District, 2020, 136. https://ctycms.com/ga-atlanta/docs/woodruff-park-strategic-plan ↩︎
  60. Murphy Davis. “Woodruff Park and the Search for Common Ground.” In A Work of Hosptiality. Atlanta: The Open Door Community. 2002. 116. ↩︎

66 Peachtree Street : Apex of Color-Line Barbering

It’s hard to miss if you’re hungry.  

Number 66 Peachtree Street is surrounded by lunch bucket delights: Moe’s Southwest Grill; Blossom Tree Korean; BT Burgers; Strikeout Wings –– even a Mediterranean cafe and hookah joint. All facing Woodruff Park, the sometimes bedroom community of Atlanta’s ever-expanding downtown homeless population. Folks there likely don’t know that over a century ago it was home to the Crystal Palace Barber Shop, the finest of three elegant salons owned and run by Atlanta’s first black millionaire, Alonzo Herndon. Herndon was a former slave who epitomized the rags-to-riches possibilities that Gilded Age Atlanta held for a new class of black entrepreneurs. Today its interior is sadly empty, while externally the three story-structure differs little from Herndon’s day.1  

At left, Sanborn Fire Map of the Crystal Palace location, with 66 Peachtree highlighted. At top right, a postcard of Peachtree Street looking north. At bottom right, author's photo of the same locale today. 66 Peachtree is the rust-colored, three-story building, fourth from the left. Credits in "NOTES" section.
At left, Sanborn Fire Map of the Crystal Palace location, with 66 Peachtree highlighted. At top right, a postcard of Peachtree Street looking north. At bottom right, author’s photo of the same locale today. 66 Peachtree is the rust-colored, three-story building, fourth from the left. Credits in “NOTES” section.

By design, the grandness and sheer scale of his shop was unparalleled in the Gateway City. Herndon already had significant experience in barbering2 and knew, that to be successful, not only did his shop need to fit in, it needed to stand out3 in a downtown commercial center that included some of Atlanta’s most prestigious buildings, including the Candler, Healy, and Equitable Buildings; the Piedmont Hotel, the Grand Opera House, and Georgia Savings Bank; and, by 1931, Haverty’s Furniture, a movie theater complex and assorted restaurants, photo shops and other sundry businesses.4 The customer base was fittingly well-off, and perhaps secretly grateful that Herndon had replaced 66 Peachtree Street’s previous funeral home occupants.5 By the time of his shop’s first iteration in 1902, Herndon’s reputation for exceptional service put him on the radar of every top mover and shaker in the city, as well as with in-the-know travelers disembarking at Atlanta’s nearby railroad terminus. On any given day, his barbers might serve state supreme court judges, influential lawyers, wealthy planters, bankers, businessmen, ministers, and politicians from every part of the Atlanta white community.6 Prominent men like Methodist minister Arthur J. Moore; Ralph McGill, editor of the Atlanta Constitution, and Mills B. Lane, president of the Citizens and South National Bank were regulars.7 

A sampling of the many ads Herndon ran, many at full-page size in the expensive Atlanta Constitution, advertising to his white clientele. Ad at top left launched his new Crystal Palace. Citations for each may be found in the “NOTES” section of this post.

This was the golden age of color-line barbershops, establishments which served only white, upper-class customers. By 1913, following an inspired $12,000 European-style remodeling, the old Herndon Barbershop –– survivor (but for a gruesomely murdered bootblack and two smashed windows) of the mayhem of the 1906 Massacre –– was rechristened Herndon’s Crystal Palace. It had no equal. The well-trained, all-black, all-male barbering team8 groomed from 8 am to 8pm on weekdays, and until Midnight on Saturdays. Customers would be ushered through massive sixteen-foot tall mahogany and beveled plate-glass front doors (now gone) into a

“…long, elegant parlor lined with French beveled mirrors and lit by crystal chandeliers and wall lamps. Ceiled in white pressed-tin and floored in white ceramic tile, the room accommodated twenty-three (sic) custom barber chairs that were outfitted with porcelain, brass, and nickel, and upholstered in dark green Spanish leather. ‘Everything in my shop is the best procurable,’ Herndon boasted. It was a brilliant display. Even the boot-black stands were of nickel and marble.”9

There, they could get a haircut for 25 cents, a shave and shoeshine for a dime each, and even have their clothes pressed for 40 cents. For another quarter, they could bathe in one of the twenty baths and showers located on the lower level. Other services included those of a Chiropodist, Dr. Clifford W. Thomas, who specialized in “ingrown nails, corns, bunions, callouses and all arch problems…positively cured, or money refunded.”10  It was a huge enterprise in a huge structure that ultimately stretched a full city block westward from Peachtree to Broad Street.11 Its opulence alone drew gawking tourists and locals. Based on Herndon’s 1902 account book, many of his customers visited his shops daily, most likely for shaves, but also for other personalized services described above.12  Albert Daniel, a customer recalled, “[The barbers] were taking care of you. You felt like you were elevating yourself…It was beautiful… a very high class shop.”13 A full service afternoon there –– haircut, shave, bath, and clothes pressing –– totaled a little more than a dollar, the equivalent of a common laborer’s daily wage. White men enjoyed being served by blacks; it was a reminder of their historically elite, white privileges pre-1865. Conversely, black barbers saw opportunities to profit handsomely from the Lost Cause. Considerable Old South “trust” was required of course: Trust by whites that the razor at their throat would stay dutifully true and nonlethal; and, almost as importantly, trust that any gossip or secrets (even racial conversations) they shared in that intimate environment would remain as invisible to the world as the men who shaved them. 

To be sure, grooming entitled ex-confederates and Jim Crow segregationists required exceptional tact and deference, which Herndon and his team readily offered. “I came to Atlanta with the determination to succeed,” Herndon noted, “and by careful conscientious work and tactful, polite conduct.”14  It was a prudent approach no doubt given the simmering resentments of working-class whites to the new black affluence, and more generally, the unrequited longing of many southern whites to return to the time before the “Lost Cause.”15  Historian Quincy T. Mills posits that to shave whites was in effect to “groom whiteness –– how white men saw themselves in relation to blacks [and vice-versa]…in a way that reproduced antebellum images of racial superiority.” Indeed, it was part of the fantasy many white patrons happily paid for.16 

For their part, barbers like Herndon understood the tradeoffs and benefits that color-line barbering entailed. Shaving whites was lucrative to be sure, but barbers like Herndon also hoped for the “potential favors and benefits they might extract from this patron-client relationship, favors and benefits many African Americans hoped barbers would deliver to their communities.”17 The Atlanta Independent observed: “He thinks he can do the race more good by creating jobs for them and furnishing them opportunities to help themselves than by discussing the race problem.”18 Even so, his own community would never experience any measure of his skills. White men would not be shaved with the same razor, clipped with the same shears, or sit in a chair that might have touched the face, head, or bottom of a black man.19 Many ludicrous rationales were offered for this –– colored men were harder to shave, for example, was a popular trope.20 Bluntly put, white men would never patronize a shop where black men were barbered. Even his black staff was forbidden to enter through the front doors. Herndon quietly challenged this taboo by installing identical mahogany doors on the Broad street side of the shop to uplift his barbers’ dignity when they arrived for work in the morning.

Another tradeoff was market-driven. The times demanded that even the original elegance of Herndon’s flagship 66 Peachtree Street barbershop would need upgrading. According to Douglas Bristol, author of the seminal Knights of the Razor : Black Barbers in Slavery and Freedom, Herndon’s aspirations to such grandeur was more than a honeymoon inspiration; it was necessitated by the expectations of a changing marketplace: 

During the Gilded Age, growing affluence and the rise of mass consumption transformed the marketplace in which black barbers operated, raising the bar for attracting prosperous white customers. 32 Those who wished to remain competitive had to keep pace with the growing American appetite for luxury. The most prosperous black barbers rose to the challenge…21 

Around the time of Herndon’s passing, color line barbering was decidedly on the decline in Atlanta and nationally. Shaving had been a key business driver, but King Gillette’s new safety razor put a huge dent in the need for a barber’s daily scrape. About the same time, the country’s institutional focus shifted toward skilled haircutting conducted under the most stringent sanitary conditions, a trend increasingly reflected in Herndon’s advertisements.22 Additionally, new, stiffer city ordinances restricting barbers hours and clientele were championed by the white barber’s union with the Atlanta City Council. But not all favored the idea. Following a strong backlash from white citizens, Herndon other barbers sued successfully in Georgia Supreme Court to overturn it.23 Apparently, the white community was concerned that such restrictions would mess with “the black servant workers, and southern tradition” where African-Americans “served the nation best by serving white people.”24 

Black businesses in Atlanta were forced out of the central business district as a result of the race riot of 1906, intensification of Jim Crow laws, and specific efforts by city council to restrict blacks from leasing downtown commercial space.25  City directories point to the urban shift of black barber shops from downtown business districts to black neighborhoods,26 like nearby Auburn Avenue. The following chart illustrates the change over time: 

Shown are number and locations of Atlanta Barbers between 1880 and 1930.

Despite the trend away from color-line barber shops, and despite building owners splitting the premise into two business spaces in 1941, at 66 Peachtree Street27 the tradition of Herndon barbers exclusively cutting white hair persisted up until late 1965. Then, fourteen black demonstrators from Martin Luther King’s Southern Christian Leadership Conference occupied all of the barber chairs and demanded service, but were denied.28 F.D. Cooper, who would be the shop’s final owner, finally relented after a four day standoff. The past had careened into the present and a new future, at least for the Herndon Barber Shop, was defined.  One of the first blacks to cut his hair there was then Georgia State Representative and civil rights activist Julian Bond. But the boom days were well finished. On July 3, 1973, Herndon Barbers, Inc. shuttered their doors for good.  

At the time of closing, a Herndon Barber, Inc. haircut cost $2.25.29 Shave or shine, extra.  

NOTES

  1. “PEACHTREE TRACT FIGURES IN DEALS OF HALF-MILLION,” The Atlanta Constitution (1881-1945), May 28, 1922 : 1.
    The dimensions of the space were 27.5 feet frontage on Peachtree Street, 26 feet on Broad Street with an average of 87 feet in length between. The length varied due to how the building was angled to fit the two converging streets. Some sources cite 90 feet.
    ↩︎
  2. After rejecting sharecropping and day labor as insufficient to his entrepreneurial fires, Alonzo Herndon accrued twenty-five years of barbering experience and was sole or joint proprietor in 9 barbershops by the time he opened what became his flagship shop at 66 Peachtree Street.
    ↩︎
  3. Henderson, Alexa Benson. Atlanta Life Insurance Company: Guardian of Black Economic Dignity (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1990), 1. As an entrepreneur, Herndon understood the importance of vision and setting his establishment apart from the rest.
    ↩︎
  4. Sanborn Fire Insurance Map of Atlanta, Fulton County, GA. 1931 — 1932, Vol. 1931, Sheet 8.
    ↩︎
  5. Listing, “Miller and Bowden, Undertaker,” Atlanta City Directory, Atlanta: 1902. 
    https://archive.org/details/atlantacitydirec1902mutu/page/324/mode/2up

    Listing, “Herndon, A.F. (C) barber, 66, Peachtree…” Atlanta City Directory, Atlanta: 1907.
    https://archive.org/details/atlantacitydirec1907foot/page/834/mode/2up
      ↩︎
  6. Bristol, Douglas W. Jr., Knights of the Razor : Black Barbers in Slavery and Freedom, (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2009), 138.
    The shop and its proprietors’ reputation were well traveled. According to the Atlanta Journal, Herndon and his crew were “known from Richmond to Mobile as the best barbers in the South.” Cited from Henderson, Alexa. “Alonzo Herndon.” New Georgia Encyclopedia, last modified Jul 14, 2020. https://www.georgiaencyclopedia.org/articles/business-economy/alonzo-herndon-1858-1927/
    ↩︎
  7. “Herndon Barber Shop Shuts Down,” Waycross Journal Herald, (1875–) Aug. 24, 1971 : P5. https://books.google.com/books id=khNaAAAAIBAJ&pg=PA5&dq=%22Alonzo+Herndon%22&article_id=3034,5086912&hl=en&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwixz8T6hWMAxW2SjABHenUL7Y4HhC7BXoECAQQBw#v=onepage&q=%22Alonzo%20Herndon%22&f=false
    ↩︎
  8. Mills, Quincy T. Cutting along the Color Line : Black Barbers and Barber Shops in America, (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2013), 66-67.
    It wasn’t just that barbers made good money at Herndon’s shops, though a full-fledged barber could earn a decent wage: $15 to $25 a week, and up to 60% of tickets exceeding $35 or more. Herndon often took in men whom he trained in barbering skills and tradecraft so that they too might become entrepreneurs. They repaid him with fierce loyalty. 
    ↩︎
  9. The Atlanta Constitution (1881-1945), Aug. 25, 2013. Cited from Merritt, Carole. The Herndons: An Atlanta Family, (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2002), 156.
    ↩︎
  10. “Display Ad 5 — no Title.” The Atlanta Constitution (1881-1945), Sept. 11, 1919 : 5
    ↩︎
  11. Sanborn Fire Insurance Map of Atlanta, Fulton County, GA, 1931 — 1932, Vol. 1931, Sheet 8.
    ↩︎
  12. “Alonzo Herndon, Barber Shop Ledger, 1902,” Alonzo Herndon unprocessed collection, The Herndon Home, Atlanta, Georgia. Cited in Mills, Quincy T. Cutting along the Color Line : 68.
    ↩︎
  13. Merritt, The Herndon’s : 157, 159
    ↩︎
  14. “Herndon Biographical Statement,” Herndon Family Papers, quoted in Merritt, The Herndons : 34–35.
    ↩︎
  15. Godshalk, David Fort. Veiled Visions : The 1906 Atlanta Race Riot and the Reshaping of American Race Relations, (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2005), 30—31.
    ↩︎
  16. Mills, Cutting along the Color Line : 62, 70.
    ↩︎
  17. Mills, Cutting along the Color Line : 71-72.
    . ↩︎
  18. Atlanta Independent, February 26, 1925, quoted in Henderson, Atlanta Life Insurance Company. Over his career Herndon employed 75 barbers and approximately 1,000 others across his Insurance, real estate and charitable activities –– an extraordinary, albeit quiet, uplifting of his community. Though pursued, Herndon would not sell his barbershop at any price, to be sure his barbers always had a job. Douglas Bristol notes that “deteriorating race relations left…Herndon…committed to building a group economy” for his community, one that transcended traditional black self-help organizations. Knights of the Razor : 171. Atlanta Mutual Life Insurance Company was a key way he pursued this.
    . ↩︎
  19. Mills, Cutting along the Color Line : 62.
    ↩︎
  20. Mills, Cutting along the Color Line : 83-84.
    ↩︎
  21. Bristol, Knights of the Razor : 138. Compared to his $20 investment in his first shop, Herndon invested $12,000 to double the size of and furnish his Crystal Palace with old world luxury. Found in Merritt, The Herndons : 159.
    ↩︎
  22. “Display Ad 13 — no Title.” The Atlanta Constitution (1881-1945), Feb 10, 1918.
    In an advertisement dated February 10, 1918, entitled IMPORTANT NOTICE TO THE PUBLIC: “Herndon’s Barber Shops have been doing for years all the sanitary things now being required by the government of many Atlanta shops. Every barber changes his white linen suit daily. Every barber sterilizes his hands as often as necessary. Every towel, razor, comb, brush, and shaving brush is sterilized before and after using. Compounds calculated to kill any possible germ are used in washing the floors…Porter are required to clean all brass and mirrors twice daily.”
      ↩︎
  23. Milewski, Melissa L. Litigating Across the Color Line, (New York: Oxford University Press, 2018), 182—184.
    https://www.google.com/books/edition/Litigating_Across_the_Color_Line/HJc4DwAAQBAJ?hl=en&gbpv=1&dq=herndon+barber+shops&pg=PA183&printsec=frontcover.
    See also “An Unfair Rebuke,” The Atlanta Constitution (1881-1945), Feb. 9, 1926.
    ↩︎
  24. Mills, Cutting along the Color Line : 135, 140.
    ↩︎
  25. Mills, Cutting along the Color Line : 151.
    ↩︎
  26. Mills, Cutting along the Color Line : 8.
    . ↩︎
  27. “Shoe Concern Gets Lease on Peachtree,” The Atlanta Constitution (1881-1945), Dec 21, 1941 : 8D.
    ↩︎
  28. Britton, John H. “GA. NEGRO BARBERS FINALLY AGREE TO CLIP NEGROES; HAIR,” Jet 29 (magazine), Dec. 16, 1965 : 6–18.
    https://books.google.com/books id=YLkDAAAAMBAJ&pg=PA16&dq=herndon+barber+shops&hl=en&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwjxjfCTiWMAxUzRTABHQzrEYoQuwV6BAgEEAc#v=onepage&q=herndon%20barber%20shops&f=false. See also, “SCLC Protesters Sit at Negro Barbershop,” Atlanta Journal-Constitution, November 28, 1965; and “Herndon Barber Shop Closes after Picket by SCLC Members,” Atlanta Daily World, November 28, 1965.
    ↩︎
  29. “Herndon Barber Shop Shuts Down,” Waycross Journal Herald, Aug. 24, 1971 : P5. ↩︎

PICTURE CITATIONS MAP: Sanborn Fire Insurance Map of Atlanta, Fulton County, GA. 1931 — 1932, Vol. 1931, Sheet 8.

POSTCARD (Top right): “Peachtree Street” Witt Bros., Publishers. Atlanta History Center postcard collection,(1900–1910) Kenan Research Center, Atlanta History Center. https://album.atlantahistorycenter.com/digital/collection/p17222coll22/id/4790?_gl=1q87k6s_gcl_au*NjE1NjQ5MDk0LjE3NDEwMzk0ODQ.

PHOTO (Bottom right): “Peachtree Street Looking North,” J. Richard Laupus, photographer, April 22, 2025.

HERNDON BARBERSHOP ADVERTISEMENTS, from top left, clockwise: “Display Ad 71 — No Title,” The Atlanta Constitution (1881-1945); May 25, 1913: A6.

“Display Ad 51 — No Title,” The Atlanta Constitution (1881-1945); Feb 17, 1918: B13.

“Display Ad 13 — No Title,” The Atlanta Constitution (1881-1945); Feb 10, 1918: 8.

Display Ad 71 — No Title, The Atlanta Constitution (1881-1945); May 12, 1914: C12.

BLACK BARBERSHOPS IN ATLANTA (Graphic): Mills, Cutting along the Color Line : 152. x

ADDITIONAL RESOURCES Bristol, Douglas W. Jr. “From Outposts to Enclaves: A Social History of Black Barbers, 1750–1915.” Order No. 3078215, (College Park: University of Maryland, 2002).

Du Bois, W. E. B. ,Burghardt, W. E., and Wortham, Robert A. The Sociological Souls of Black Folk : Essays by W. E. B. du Bois, (Lexington Books/Fortress Academic, 2011.)

Harris-Lacewell, Melissa Victoria. Barbershops, Bibles, and BET: Everyday Talk and Black Political Thought, (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2004).

Ogbar, Jeffrey O. G.. America’s Black Capital : How African Americans Remade Atlanta in the Shadow of the Confederacy, (New York: Basic Books, 2023).

Prieto, Leon C. and Phipps, Simone T. A.. The Servant History of John Merrick and Alonzo Herndon, African American Management History: Insights on Gaining a Cooperative Advantage, (Bingley, UK: Emerald Publishing Limited, 2019).

The Georgia Bookstore (124 Edgewood Avenue)

Vacant Building Front 124 Edgewood Avenue (April 30th, 2025), photo by Charles Parker

Today, the building at 124 Edgewood Avenue sits idle and vacant. Although the windows are not boarded, the faded brick storefront and padlocked front door display the building’s lack of activity, despite its relatively prominent location on Georgia State’s downtown campus. The structure’s large, white lettering reading “Georgia Bookstore” has now been removed, leaving behind a mysterious, unutilized parcel of urban real estate. However, this small, charming building is surrounded by modern development and increasing institutional expansion by Georgia State University, which is currently attempting to revitalize downtown Atlanta. The mystery surrounding its current physical state sparks curiosity about what this building was used for before its vacancy and its impact on the city’s commercial history. 

Creation of Edgewood Avenue

Edgewood Avenue was once non-existent during Atlanta’s existence, born out of a vision for connectivity and innovation. In September 1888, Atlanta underwent a landmark shift in its urban planning with the merger of Line and Foster Streets to create Edgewood Avenue. Joel Hurt, a prominent developer and founder of the Atlanta and Edgewood Street Railroad Company, was the main proprietor and patron of this transformation. Empowered by the state legislature, Hurt and his company were granted sweeping authority to survey and construct a streetcar rail line along or on Foster Street (modern Edgewood Ave. east of the intersection with Calhoun/Piedmont) in whatever way they deemed best, with the consent of the city government.1 Hurt aimed to create a uniform connection from the Inman Park Suburb to the downtown core, ushering in a new era of public transportation and suburban integration, making Edgewood Avenue a key arterial corridor in the city’s development and expansion.2   

Streetcar on Edgewood Avenue and Courtland Street (~1891)
Streetcar on Edgewood Avenue and Courtland Street (~1891)3

Although incredidibly innovative, this construction was also significantly destructive to Atlanta’s downtown. Hurt’s goal of connecting to Inman Park also served to practice urban renewal and removal of what were seen as undesirable properties near the intersection of Pryor and Line Street. A collection of artisan workshops, industrial sites, and residential units stood in the path of progress. An interview with Joel Hurt in the Atlanta Constitution prior to the construction of Edgewood Avenue highlights that the changes were deliberate: “Will the buildings on the corner of Pryor Street be torn down?’ ‘Oh, yes. We are going to tear down that block and will advertise for bids and competitive plans for a fine brick building at this corner.”4 

Among the destroyed properties and displaced owners were Angier & Waldo’s offices (15 Pryor Street), Walter A. Taylor Manufacturing Company (17 Pryor Street), G.K. Bell Coal and Wool Yard (19 Pryor Street), A. Reed’s dwelling and blacksmith shop (36 Pryor Street), Atkinson and Flynn’s dressmaking home (37 Pryor Street), and E.C. Faciolle’s contractor woodyard (50 Pryor Street). These structures were cleared to make way for modern commercial developments, including Atlanta’s first Equitable Building and a YMCA, marking a turning point in downtown’s architectural and economic identity. 

By 1892, the new Edgewood Avenue had only modest development. While Courtland Street featured small dwellings, Edgewood Avenue itself remained sparsely populated and impoverished. Notably, there were clusters of “Negro Shanties” located in adjacent alleyways, revealing early patterns of racial and class-based residential segregation.9 

Initial Business Development

Charles Charalampe at 124 Edgewood Ave. (Grocer)10

The story of 124 Edgewood Avenue as an address and dedicated building space begins in 1898, when Charles Charalampe is documented as its first resident and business proprietor. A confectioner and grocer by trade, Charalampe likely supplied essential goods and treats to the surrounding neighborhood. That same year, George Bussell, a fruit vendor with a separate business on Peachtree Street, also resided at the address, confirming its dual use as both a commercial and residential property.11

George Neilell at 124 Edgewood Ave. (Resident)12

In 1902, a new name appeared in the city directories, G. Brown. His business/occupation was listed under the category of “Fruits.” Brown continued the trend of small-scale food retailing at the location, operating a corner market or general grocery shop.13 Just a year later, George Neilell became the third documented operator of the business, also under the “Fruits” classification, and he too resided at the address. These overlapping roles illustrate the intimate connection between commerce and domestic life common in early 20th-century urban neighborhoods. 

James Pope at 124 Edgewood Ave. (Cigars & Soda)14

Between 1904 and 1914, James Pope managed the business at 124 Edgewood Avenue. Initially listed as a confectioner, Pope maintained the property’s legacy as a community-oriented shopkeeper. He eventually moved his residence to 111 Courtland Street, a single-family home adjacent to the building. In 1914, his final business listing was “Cigars & Soda,” signaling a shift in offerings to cater to a more specialized and targeted clientele. 

First Recreational Uses

The building’s purpose evolved again in 1916 when Charles Patrito established a billiards hall, marking the first time 124 Edgewood was used for recreational purposes rather than retail.15 

From 1919 to 1928, Samuel Papouchado and Leon Levy operated “Papouchado & Levy,” taking over the pool business directly from Patrito. Their business model apparently thrived, as they maintained a long tenure despite economic fluctuations in the post-World War I period.16

In 1925, Antonia/o Thomas (different name variations are listed in the city directories over the years of ownership) added a restaurant to the site, making 124 Edgewood a multi-use and multi-business property for the first time17; this is especially unique considering the building remained a single-story structure both before and after hosting two businesses simultaneously, according to the 1911 and 1931 Sanborn maps. 

In 1929, Carrie Leander Gentle assumed ownership of the billiards hall, coexisting with Thomas’ restaurant.20 These businesses reflect the continuing evolution of Edgewood as a mixed-use commercial and residential corridor. 

The building shifted gears once again in 1932 when Leonard E. Walthall launched the Auditorium Soda Company, operating until 1937.21 

Liqour Stores and Crime

Crystal Liquor Store Robbery (1943) – Atlanta Constitution22

By 1938, the property had fallen vacant, a likely consequence of economic challenges in the late Depression era.23 However, in 1939, Phillip Taratoot revitalized the location with Taratoot Liquors.24 In 1943, the business was rebranded as the “Crystal Liquor Store” and listed under his brother, Benjamin Taratoot’s, name.25 That same year, the Atlanta Constitution reported a burglary involving the theft of 17 bottles of whiskey, which noted, “The place has been robbed several times previously,” highlighting the disarray of the local neighborhood. 

The business closed in 1953, and the site was again listed as vacant.26 In 1955, Louis Silverman reopened the liquor store as “Harry’s Liquor Store,” operating it for roughly six years until its closure in 1961.27 

Modern Use and University Influence

By the 1970s, a new chapter began with more stability and productive use. Georgia Bookstore occupied 124 Edgewood Avenue and became a popular on-campus alternative for GSU students to buy and sell textbooks. A 1975 advertisement in the student newspaper, the Georgia State University Signal, promoted it as “headquarters for teaching aids” at the “Corner of Edgewood & Courtland.”

This academic connection deepened in 2014 when Georgia State University formally acquired the property. On May 19th of that year, GSU created Panther Bookstore, LLC under the umbrella of the GSU Research Center.30 The entity was established to “acquire, manage, develop, lease, and operate a certain property in Atlanta, Georgia,” expressing the building’s long-term institutional interest and investment.31 

Rear Building Mural 124 Edgewood Avenue (April 30th, 2025), photo by Charles Parker

As of today, 124 Edgewood Avenue remains vacant, yet perhaps not for long. The university intends to incorporate it into its “Georgia State Blue Line” campus redevelopment project. Today,  the rear wall of the building hosts a mural featuring Georgia State branding with the “Stateway” slogan, an effort at placemaking and fostering school pride; the site is positioned to become part of a more integrated and vibrant university campus.32

Citations:

  1. Georgia General Assembly, “Acts and Resolutions Passed by the General Assembly of the State of Georgia.” (Atlanta, Georgia: Geo. W. Harrison, 1887), 163-164. ↩︎
  2. Franklin M. Garrett, Atlanta and Environs: A Chronicle of Its People and Events, 1880s-1930s. (Georgia: University of Georgia Press, 1969), 188. ↩︎
  3. “Atlanta Streetcar”, 1881-1891, (Atlanta, Georgia: Atlanta History Center, 2023). ↩︎
  4. “THE NEW AVENUE: WHICH OPENS UP EDGEWOOD TO ATLANTA.” Atlanta Constitution, September 5, 1888, 5. ↩︎
  5. Sanborn Fire Insurance Map from Atlanta, Fulton County, Georgia. Sanborn Map Company, 1886, Sheet 18. ↩︎
  6. Sanborn Fire Insurance Map from Atlanta, Fulton County, Georgia. Sanborn Map Company, 1892, Sheet 17. ↩︎
  7.  United States City Directories Atlanta, GA Reel 2 1886. (New Haven, Connecticut: Research Publications, 1980), 632. ↩︎
  8. United States City Directories Atlanta, GA Reel 5 1892. (New Haven, Connecticut: Research Publications, 1980), 297. ↩︎
  9. Sanborn Fire Insurance Map from Atlanta, Fulton County, Georgia. Sanborn Map Company, 1892, Sheet 32. ↩︎
  10. The Atlanta City Directories for 1898. (Atlanta Georgia: V.V. Bullock and Mrs. F.A. Saunders, 1898), 524. ↩︎
  11. The Atlanta City Directories for 1898. (Atlanta Georgia: V.V. Bullock and Mrs. F.A. Saunders, 1898), 495. ↩︎
  12. Atlanta City Directory Volume XXVII. (Atlanta, Gerogia: Foote and Davis Co & Joseph W. Hill, 1903), 982. ↩︎
  13. Atlanta City Directory 1902. (Atlanta, Georgia: Mutual Publishing Company, 1902), 1723. ↩︎
  14. Atlanta City Driectory Volume XXXVIII (Atlanta, Georgia: Atlanta City Directory Company, 1914), 1370. ↩︎
  15. Atlanta City Directory Volume XL. (Atlanta, Georgia: Atlanta City Directory Company, 1916), 1315. ↩︎
  16. Atlanta City Directory 1919. (Atlanta, Georgia: Atlanta City Directory Company, 1919), 731. ↩︎
  17. Atlanta City Directory 1925. (Atlanta, Georgia: Atlanta City Directory Company, 1925), 1118. ↩︎
  18. Sanborn Fire Insurance Map from Atlanta, Fulton County, Georgia. Sanborn Map Company, 1911, Sheet 153.
    ↩︎
  19. Sanborn Fire Insurance Map from Atlanta, Fulton County, Georgia. Sanborn Map Company, 1911, Sheet 153. ↩︎
  20. Atlanta City Directory Volume LII. (Atlanta, Georgia: Atlanta City Directory Company, 1929), 1522. ↩︎
  21. Atlanta City Directory Volume LV. (Atlanta, Georgia: Atlanta City Directory Company, 1932), 1272. ↩︎
  22. “Liquor Store Robbed Of 17 Cases of Whisky.” Atlanta Constitution, Aug 8, 1943, 12. ↩︎
  23. Atlanta City Directory 1938. (Atlanta, Georgia: Atlanta City Directory Company, 1938), 1657. ↩︎
  24. Atlanta City Directory 1939. (Atlanta, Georgia: Atlanta City Directory Company, 1939), 1210. ↩︎
  25. Atlanta City Directory 1943. (Atlanta, Georgia: Atlanta City Directory Company, 1943), 412. ↩︎
  26. Atlanta City Directory 1953. (Atlanta, Georgia: Atlanta City Directory Company, 1953), 105. ↩︎
  27. Atlanta City Directory 1955. (Atlanta, Georgia: Atlanta City Directory Company, 1955), 716. ↩︎
  28. “Dixie Coca-Cola Bottling Company Plant”, 1970-1980, (Atlanta, Georgia: Atlanta History Center, 2023). ↩︎
  29. “THE NEW AVENUE: WHICH OPENS UP EDGEWOOD TO ATLANTA.” Georgia State University Signal, June 23, 1975, 4. ↩︎
  30. “GSU RESEARCH CENTER, LLC.” Georgia Company Directory. https://www.georgiacompanyregistry.com/companies/gsu-research-center-llc/#:~:text=Panther%20Bookstore%2C%20LLC (accessed May 5, 2025) ↩︎
  31. “FINANCIALSTATEMENTS AND COMPLIANCE REPORTS.” Georgia State University Research Foundation, INC. https://research.gsu.edu/files/2019/01/Georgia-State-University-Research-Foundation-Inc.-6-30-16-Financials.pdf (accessed May 5, 2025). ↩︎
  32. Maya Kroth, “The New, Blue Line Campus Connector.” Georgia State University Magazine, July 24, 2024. ↩︎

Tranquility on Campus

The Georgia State College of Law building is the most prominent and transformative addition to the Atlanta campus for students. The building at 85 Park Place opened on June 22, 2015, replacing what was once considered sub-par accommodations and lack of room for expansion for the university’s law and business students hosted in the Urban Life building. The College of Law building is Georgia State’s first-ever facility created specifically for legal education. It is LEED Gold certified, exemplifying the university’s aim of sustainability and innovation.

Today, this building has many different spaces designed for a multitude of uses. It features lecture halls, classrooms, faculty and administrative offices, a cafe on the first floor, and a dedicated law library with terrace space on the top two floors. The overall architectural aesthetic design of the building is nearly flawless, in my opinion. The combination of dark wood paneling, tall glass windows, and stone cladding creates a very serious yet tranquil energy throughout the building. The crown jewel would have to be the subtlety of green space provided on the terrace on the top floor.

Ever since discovering this building on campus, I have been drawn to the building’s serine and refined ambiance. It has provided me with a much-needed contrast to the bustling energy of the rest of the campus and Downtown Atlanta, allowing me to decompress briefly between or after classes. Whether filled with focused graduate students or supported by the kind, attentive faculty and staff, the building serves as a calm and welcoming refuge for learning, collaboration, and relaxation. I hope to see this thoughtful design reflected in Georgia State University’s future campus expansion and development with a dedication to elevating the student experience and supporting academic success.

The Secrets of the Viaducts: Atlanta’s Mile Marker Zero

My ignorance was not for lack of proximity – During my two semesters taking American Sign Language in the College of Education and Human Development, I overlooked one of Atlanta’s most notable historical markers. A mere 3 minute walk from it multiple times a week, I walked within a block of the marker without ever becoming aware of its existence.

If this historical marker is so significant, why is it so hard to spot?

While reflecting on that question, one might use the resource Google Street View, which is notorious for providing insight into even the most difficult of places. Perhaps it can be of use here. Can you spot Mile Marker Zero in the Street View? For reference, I’ve included a photo of the historical marker we’re looking for.

Need a hint? Even Google can’t help you here! Hidden from the watchful eyes of Google Street View, lies a marker of how Atlanta came to be the transportation hub it is today. When you’re walking down Decatur Street with a friend, pay closer attention to the inconspicuous bridge-like structure (known as a viaduct) off Kimball Way SE.

viaduct outside
inside the viaduct, trash litters the ground

Venture into the viaducts, if you dare!
Recommendation:
wear shoes you don’t care about
and follow the buddy system.


We made it, y’all! Welcome to the Mile Marker Zero, or Zero Mile Post.
Ready for some history?

Selfie

Atlanta was formerly known as ‘Terminus’ due to being at the end of the Western & Atlantic rail line. Mile Marker Zero has been at this location since 1842, after being moved slightly. The mile marker has gone through transformations over time. To give one example, the original mile marker was moved to the Atlanta Historical Society in Buckhead in 2018, and a replica now stands in its place. This was a controversial decision, and some historians argued that the original mile marker should remain under the central avenue viaduct. Other interesting tidbits of history include that the mile marker was protected with timber during the viaduct construction. Oh, and there was actually a building surrounding the mile marker, built in the 1980s, underneath the viaduct!

marker zero

Thank you for joining me on a Venture to the Viaducts. I hope you come away with a renewed sense of curiosity about the historical aspects of your daily surroundings! What histories are hidden right beneath your feet?

Standard Building

Not many students at GSU outside the School of Music even know this building exists. If you go to Aderhold along Luckie Street and continue across Forsyth Street past Rialto Theater, you’ll pass by a blue decorated window that is the lounge of Standard. However, you can’t enter from there. The actual entrance to the building is pretty nondescript and in the alleyway next door right by Aamar Indian Cuisine. This entrance is on Fairlie Street, which is different from its mailing address on Luckie Street.

The Standard Building is one of the oldest buildings on campus. It is nested on the same block as Rialto Center for the Arts and its cousin the Haas Howell Building along with other private businesses and residences. All 3 of the GSU owned properties are registered historic buildings due to their age and history and were purchased by GSU in the 1990s. Today they serve as the main buildings for the School of Music and its related programs, including the Rialto Center for Performing Arts. As the home for the School of Music, most of the students there spend time in the lounge on the first floor of the Standard Building, which has the window previously mentioned on Luckie Street. Curiously, unlike most other GSU buildings, access to Standard is restricted via PantherCard at all times and requires you to tap/swipe and use the automatic door opener, something that no other regular instructional building does. Haas Howell, its neighboring building, does not have such a restriction. The building contains a lounge for School of Music students, instrument storage, lockers, small classrooms, offices for music professors, and practice rooms complete with Steinway pianos.

Standard is by no means boring like its name might entail, especially to me. The building is definitely worthy of its historical place recognition. It is a former office building and lies in the Fairlie-Poplar Historic District. An original mail chute from when the building was still an office lines the elevator lobby across all floors of the building, albeit sealed off. Its architecture is certainly more intricate than its newer built GSU counterparts. From the view of the practice rooms inside you can see the original windows that lined the building and the intricate trim that was all the fashion of the time. It’s a very unique building at GSU and not a lot of people at the university know about its existence much less been inside of it. Despite not being a music major, I spend a decent amount of time there as many of my friends are music majors and I do play in a university ensemble so I do use the practice rooms there occasionally.

Lately, students at the School of Music have been critical about the state of the building as it is certainly showing its age. Both elevators are small and cramped. They are also prone to breaking down, and as of last semester there was a period of about 3 months where only 1 elevator was working for all 11 floors of the building. The HVAC system is notorious for making the building too hot in the winter and not cool enough in the summer. The stairs are small and not meant for students carrying instruments. The layout of floors is confusing and undocumented, meaning most people learn where things are by word of mouth or finding it themselves. The windows fixtures, ceiling, and drywall are in need of a refresh and aren’t in the best of shape. Regardless, Standard is an interesting, quirky building. It’s a part of GSU that is a bit unknown to most and more people should know about it.

WRAS Album 88

Established in 1971, GSU’s student-run radio station Album 88 was once at the “leading edge of your radio dial.” Broadcasting with the call sign WRAS (which stands for “Radio at State,” because WGSU was taken) on 88.5 FM, it is still very much around, but unfortunately Album 88’s glory days are long gone. In 2014, the school secretly sold off 14 hours of the daily airtime to NPR affiliate Georgia Public Broadcasting. The radio tower off of I-20 is still owned by the school, but the students only get to broadcast on the FM waves from 7pm-5am daily. However, the students stream their broadcast 24/7 online and on the 88.5 HD2 frequency which you can enable in some cars.

Album 88 was named for the station’s signature approach to its music rotation: playing multiple songs from each new album instead of only the big singles. The station created its brand in the 80s to differentiate itself from the other stations rather than just going by its call sign WRAS. Album 88 enjoyed massive listenership throughout the 1980s-2000s and helped popularize artists such as the B52s, REM, Outkast, and more. Today, the music consists of local and underground albums released in the past 6 months along with weekly specialty programming after 7pm.

The student station broadcasts within the Student Center West (formerly the University Center) room #271. Though it’s just a few unassuming doors from the outside, the multiple interconnected rooms are richly decorated with music posters, awards, stickers, drawings, and other mementos that serve as an archive in their own right, not to mention the walls of CDs and vinyl records. This picture of me is taken in the broadcast room, and you can see a little slice of the living archive on the walls (and every other surface). If you ever find yourself in SCW, you can knock on the door or peek in the window and someone might be willing to show you around!

Me sitting in a chair in the broadcast room, there is a mic to my right, a computer behind me, and lots of decorations on the walls

I’ve been involved with our radio station for two years and now hold the Promotions Director position, managing concert ticket giveaways and the social media among other things. The station is still persevering, we have 40+ DJs on the schedule with a few more in the training process, as well as 15 weekly specialty shows. Though it’s a shame that most GSU students don’t know we have a radio station at all anymore, I’ve found it to be an incredibly fulfilling experience to participate in. I don’t plan on going into the music/radio/entertainment industry, but my time at Album 88 has introduced me to so many friends and improved my confidence, and it’s truly just an awesome space to get to experience my college years in.

Martin Street, Baptists, and the Love of Pecans

In 2001, during my first attempt at college, I was contacted by a friend from high school who was transferring to Georgia State. He and two other friends were looking at houses near campus and wanted to know if I would like to be the fourth roommate. I asked him to send me the address so that I could go check the house out myself and see if it would make sense. The address he sent me was familiar, and at the time I was unable to figure out exactly why that particular combination of numbers and letters was so memorable. A quick google maps search later and I immediately knew the exact house they were looking at.

Almost unbelievably coincidental that house at 484 was once the house where two friends of mine had lived in at separate times. In the late 2000s members of the Eta Gamma chapter of the Sigma Nu fraternity at Georgia State occupied both 484 and 488. Two years before I would be asked to join my friends in that house I had attended multiple parties at the connected houses. A school year later and the brothers of Sigma Nu moved and were replaced by four sisters from the Zeta Tau Alpha sorority.

The following year my friends and I moved into the house and naturally (after drawing out of a hat to see who got which room) I drew the same room both of my friends had lived in previously. This room is what inspired me to write about this neighborhood in Atlanta. There are many more historically significant and interesting places in the city but there, in that room, I would sit at my desk looking out my windows at the old pecan tree in the field across from me (I even drew the tree in the center of my desk).

Above is a Google street view capture from 2011 showing the 484 house on the corner, my truck on the side street and the pecan tree in the back left. 1

Other than simply being a random, solitary tree in a vacant lot this tree ended up earning a place in my heart. Across the front side of the house is the Philadelphia Baptist church. I used to watch the members of the church leave service on Sundays and throw sticks and stones into the tree in order to dislodge the pecans from the tree to be used in pies, cakes, cookies, and other baked goods. It was a beautiful tradition that must have lasted many decades. The tree was quite tall, nearly two feet thick, and most certainly was over 50 years old.

Last year I was in the neighborhood for my friend’s graduation. Afterwards, I took a detour to go see the old house and had my heart broken. The tree had been cut down and now townhomes stand in its place. A reminder that urban growth has no place for sentimentality and nostalgia. The discovery of my beloved pecan tree made me think about what other places full of memory have been torn down in my old neighborhood and what still remained from the past. Most of the houses on Martin St. are newer builds – the oldest being roughly twenty years old by the time I moved in and most being about ten years old.

The first building I was motivated to research is the Philadelphia Baptist church. The church across the street of the 484 house (at 481 Martin) who’s members I would watch (and sometimes join) collect pecans out of the aforementioned tree. The earliest map I was able to find showing the existence of the church is from the 1911 Sandborn map. Little information is available on when the church was built but it would have been between 1899 and 1911, as a result of the growing neighborhood.

1911 Sandborn Map - shows the then Salem Baptist church in the top right corner.
Salem Baptist Church seen in the top right of this 1911 Sanborn map, #505.2

Around 20 years later there was an article published in the Atlanta Daily World that tells a wild and humorous story about the former paster of the church and possible arson. A one Mr. C. L. Wilder was dismissed from the church after a series of events starting with his proclamation that because the church was behind on its mortgage but had an $8,000 insurance coverage, “it would be best if the church had a fire.”3

After the church did in fact have a fire, Mr. Wilder claimed that it was an, “act of God” a coincidence that the congregation did not believe. The article unfortunately doesn’t continue with details on whether or not he was arrested on arson charges or not, only that he was not to be allowed the ability to “interfere” with the selection of a new minister.4

For the most part of the church’s history things operated smoothly. A commonality at the time, the Salem Church was a small local, community church that existed nearby dozens of other small churches. The neighborhood church was meant to be smaller, more intimate, and most importantly walkable. The church would undergo multiple pastors and name changes throughout its history. But, it appears that the location of the original church foundation stayed in the same place. As seen below in this Sandborn map from 1950 the location and name remained the same from its creation in the early 1900s into the 1950s.

In 1980, the church would undergo a name change from Salem to the New Zion Hill Baptist church with new management as well. In September they held a special service in acknowledgment of their newly gained charter. To celebrate the church invited members of the community to join them in a special sermon and they had a guest pastor, a Dr. Samuel B. Jordan, from Pennsylvania to deliver the service.5

From here the church would operate in the community as it most always had until recently when it changed its name for the last time to the Philadelphia Baptist church. Curious to me if the guest pastor from nearby Philadelphia had any long lasting influence on the church group.

Early drawing of the Summerhill School.6

The Summerhill school was built in the late 1860s during Reconstruction to serve the black community in the neighborhood. By 1872, when the school board was founded, the Summerhill school was likewise charted into the school district. In 1897 an article written in the Atlanta Constitution about the Summerhill school describes it very pleasurably. It commends the school and the community for the participation of the students and the service it provides. It interesting however to see how the writer of the article makes clear and purposefully comments about the conditions, availability, and quality of education the black children in Summerhill were receiving. Claiming that, “at no way are the negroes at a disadvantage considered with the white children” and that “fewer negro children… are kept from school on account of being unable to buy books than there are white children deprived of an education.” While it would be incredible for this to be wholly true, it seems unlikely that in Jim Crow, post-Reconstruction Atlanta black and white grade schools were equal.7

Sandborn map from 1911, showing the summerhill neighborhood
map 513, 1911. Summerhill School (highlighted in pink) and a store at the current 484 house lot.

A few years earlier another article from the Atlanta Constitution recalls the story of an angered father and mother who, after threatening their daughter’s teacher wound up being arrested and faced with a large fine. As the story goes, the child was being disruptive and was being punished for it by a whipping with a cane (common practice in school houses of old) the child broke free of the teacher and ran home. The following the day the teacher finished the carnal punishment (to the amusement of her classmates) when her father heard the teacher yelling and assumed it was his child. Upon reaching the school the father, and eventually the mother too, chased to teacher into the principal’s office where she was hiding.8

Article from the Constitution, 1893.

By the 1910s the Summerhill school was already becoming overcrowded. The decision was soon made to demolish and build a much newer and larger school on the same lot. By 1923 the school foundation was set and the cornerstone ceremony was ready to get underway. An article from the same year details the dignitaries at the ceremony, many of whom were members of the local masonic temple.9 The newly built Edwin P. Johnson school would go on to serve the community in Summerhill for about 50 more years until it became over crowded itself and was later decommissioned. Sadly, the school stood there vacant and decaying for years until it was demolished in the 1980s. No later than 1999 the lot where the school once stood would become all residential.

Above, the E. P. Johnson school on the corner lot where the 484 house sits today. 1950, map 330.10

As is the case with all urban development things were going to change and have been changing in the neighborhood for years. However, an issue has arisen when looking back the Summerhill neighborhood at the arguably forced and accelerated development of this area because of the Olympics. In an article written by Seth Gustafson, he relates the issue of Olympic development as being the cause of increased gentrification and the issues that follow it (raised property value / taxes). He claims that, “rapid gentrification of the area surrounding the Stadium represented not only a major disruption for neighborhood residents, but also the removal of poor, predominantly minority residents from a highly trafficked and Olympic-related area.”11

This issues appears to be a repetitive theme for Summerhill and as Dr. Maurice Hobson explains it when Mayor Ivan Allen was pushing the development of Fulton County Stadium in the 1960s it was by way of displacing or disparaging poorer citizens in turn for new development. While the land the stadium was going to be built on was owned by the city at that point (having been condemned for “blight”) the surrounding areas were nevertheless going to be affected by the new stadium. According to Hobson the residents were becoming disgruntled because the “development of this area displaced 965 black families,” furthermore, it “forced ten thousand people into 354 acres.”12

Visiting our old homes, vacation spots, schools, or churches are pleasure pockets of nostalgia. We are able to visit these places and see how they have changed through the years but we aren’t as easily able to see what they looked like before our time. Before everybody carried a camera in their pocket photographs had to be more deliberate and were also more time consuming. Just 25 years ago it was most common to send your film to the Kodak guy to be developed than it was to upload it the internet. Without the painstaking work that archivists have done, as a community, it would be nearly impossible for us to ever find the pictures and maps that we look back on in wonder.

  1. https://www.google.com/maps/@33.7414978,-84.3840688,3a,75y,95.7h,83.62t/data=!3m7!1e1!3m5!1ssG_t_rgkSumRHeOLZd-ANQ!2e0!5s20110801T000000!7i13312!8i6656?entry=ttu ↩︎
  2. https://www.loc.gov/resource/g3924am.g3924am_g01378191104/?sp=66&st=image#viewer-image-wrapper ↩︎
  3. “PASTOR IS BARRED IN CHURCH SCHISM: COURT ORDERS C. L. WILDER NET TO INTERFERE IN MINISTER SELECTION.” The Atlanta Constitution (1881-1945), Oct 31, 1935. https://www.proquest.com/historical-newspapers/pastor-is-barred-church-schism/docview/502278224/se-2. ↩︎
  4. Ibid. ↩︎
  5. “NEW ZION HILL BAPTIST TO OBSERVE CHARTER DAY.” Atlanta Daily World (1932-), Sep 05, 1980. https://www.proquest.com/historical-newspapers/new-zion-hill-baptist-observe-charter-day/docview/491551015/se-2. ↩︎
  6. Acheson. “THE SUMMERHILL SCHOOL THE OLDEST NEGRO SCHOOL.” The Atlanta Constitution (1881-1945), Mar 09, 1897. https://www.proquest.com/historical-newspapers/summerhill-school-oldest-negro/docview/495384904/se-2. ↩︎
  7. Ibid. ↩︎
  8. “A SCHOOL IN COURT.: AN OLD NEGRO RUNS A SCHOOLMISTRESS FROM SCHOOL. LIVELY TIMES AT SUMMERHILL SCHOOL THIRTY-ONE PUPILS BEFORE RECORDER CALHOUN TO TELL ABOUT THE BIG ROW. GOOD FINES.” The Atlanta Constitution (1881-1945), May 04, 1893. https://www.proquest.com/historical-newspapers/school-court/docview/193870254/se-2. ↩︎
  9. “TO LAY CORNERSTONE OF JOHNSON SCHOOL.” The Atlanta Constitution (1881-1945), Sep 21, 1923. https://www.proquest.com/historical-newspapers/lay-cornerstone-johnson-school/docview/499074785/se-2. ↩︎
  10. https://digitalsanbornmaps-proquest-com.eu1.proxy.openathens.net/browse_maps/11/1377/6156/6530/98518?accountid=11226 ↩︎
  11. GUSTAFSON, SETH. “Displacement and the Racial State in Olympic Atlanta: 1990–1996.” Southeastern Geographer 53, no. 2 (2013): 198–213. http://www.jstor.org/stable/26229061. ↩︎
  12. HOBSON, MAURICE J. “Building Black Atlanta and the Dialectics of the Black Mecca.” In The Legend of the Black Mecca: Politics and Class in the Making of Modern Atlanta, 12–49. University of North Carolina Press, 2017. http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.5149/9781469635361_hobson.5. ↩︎

Hurt Park

Hurt Park is a two-acre park located at 25 Courtland St SE. Opening in 1940, the park transformed “an area of rambling, obsolete and run-down structures into a rolling stretch of green lawns.”1 Named after Joel Hurt, one of the most influential people in the city’s early history, the park is now co-owned by the City of Atlanta and Georgia State University after a recent renewal. But what was the history behind the land and the man it was named after?

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Georgia State Convocation Center

GSU shuttles line up outside Convocation Center to pick up students.
GSU shuttles picking students up from the Convocation Center1

In 2020 contractor Brassfield & Gorrie broke ground to build Georgia State University’s Convocation Center.2 This premier facility has already been incorporated into GSU’s operations, hosting athletics and graduation ceremonies, among many other events. Occupying an entire block across from GSU’s Blue Lot, its presence looms large in Summerhill. The center has yet to see a class from freshman convocation through commencement, and this newness raises a question: how did GSU acquire the land, and what was there before?

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The Most Inconspicuous Monument in Downtown Atlanta

I pass by this monument everyday coming onto campus (the bus I take to campus lets us off just one block down from it). But the first time I really ever noticed it was on the “Women in Downtown Atlanta” walking tour with Amy Durrell that I went on for this course.

Selfie of the author with the Barbara Miller Asher statue in Downtown Atlanta

Barbara Miller Asher and I

The monument is a representation of Barbara Miller Asher. She gained community favor through 14 years of volunteer work and was elected to her first term as a city council member in Atlanta in 1977, serving multiple terms.1 The statue commemorating her is located on the intersection of Marietta St. NW and Broad St. NW in front of Broad Street Plaza.

I’m of the opinion that women should be taken much more seriously in history, and the records we have for women’s accomplishments and impacts should be under much more scrutiny. Barbara Miller Asher is no exception. I was almost able to find more information on the building of this monument and her marriage to her husband than I was on her achievements. Commemorating doesn’t even feel like the right word to describe the presence of a statue in her likeness. To me, it feels like more of just an acknowledgement that she existed.

I can’t help but compare the depictions of a woman to the depictions of a man. I believe it is very indicative to the culture’s attitude of women’s role in society. Here, while Barbara Miller Asher is at street-level, Henry Grady’s likeness (only one block down, also on Marietta St. NW) is much grander, being several feet above the road and holding a godlike stature above two women who look meek and in need of protecting. Barbara looks much more inviting. I’ve noticed that she has a smile on her face, her knees being bent makes her look less intimidating, and overall she just seems very welcoming. To me, her monument is a reminder that women are people, while statues commemorating men display that they get to assume the role of something more than that.

Since that walking tour, I know I’ll never be able to come to the Georgia State University campus without thinking of Barbara Miller Asher and women’s inescapable relegation to the background. In a way, her newfound prominence in my mind is already a stride in defeating that social norm.

  1. “Asher, Barbara Miller, November 20, 1985.” The Breman Museum , November 20, 1985. https://archivesspace.thebreman.org/repositories/2/archival_objects/27944. ↩︎

Downtown ATL’s history hides in plain sight

The big concrete plaza in front of 25 Park Place is kind of blah, but every once in a while I stop there to admire the marble columns in front of the building. They remind me that so many of Atlanta’s beautiful old structures have been destroyed and replaced by modern architecture. But I think it’s kind of sly that someone kept these pieces here, so we might ponder them. What were they? Why are they there now?

Dr. Davis in front of the Equitable columns at 25 Park Place NE
Dr. Davis and the columns

These three marble columns (and the façade behind it, inside the GSU Career Services center) were once part of the Equitable building, which stood where GSU’s CMII building is now. When it was built in 1892, it was the tallest skyscraper in the city (eight stories — back then that was a really tall building). It was originally known as the Trust Company of Georgia building.

When the building was demolished in 1971, its eighteen columns were scattered around the city. I have no idea why these three are here today, or how the building’s arched entrance came to be preserved and installed inside. Maybe the SunTrust Banks did it, when they owned this building?

However they got here, I’m always glad to notice these lovely pieces of craftsmanship. It feels like some weird random piece of old Atlanta has been plopped down on a barren and characterless public urban plaza. I dig the juxtaposition.

Techwood Homes

Tanyard Creek
Image of Tanyard Bottom

In 1936, Techwood Homes became the first-ever public housing project in the Nation. It was located northwest of Downtown, between the Coca-Cola headquarters and Georgia Tech’s campus. Its construction replaced a de facto integrated low-income neighborhood known as Tanyard Bottom. At the time of its opening, Techwood Homes was established as a “whites only” complex. It would remain this way until white flight infringed on the city after integration was brought on by the civil rights movement. Over the years, federal funding was not properly allocated toward housing projects such as Techwood. As a result, the neighborhood became a blight to the city with failed revitalizations, high crime, and high poverty rates. In 1990, it was announced that the Summer Olympics would be hosted in Atlanta, and thus began the revitalization of poor neighborhoods such as Techwood Homes. Sixty years after its creation, Techwood Homes would be demolished and replaced by a mixed-income housing project called Centennial Place which still stands today. The initial development and then redevelopment of Techwood Homes are both terribly similar as both times business and political leaders sought to replace a blighted neighborhood and, in the process, ended up disproportionately harming some of the city’s most vulnerable communities.

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Oakland Cemetery Origins

Oakland Cemetery Entrance. Photo by John Chapman (4 April, 2016)

Oakland Cemetery Entrance. Photo by John Chapman (4 April, 2016)

Oakland Cemetery serves as one of the key landmarks of antebellum Atlanta, Georgia. Oakland Cemetery sits in stark contrast to the rest of the city with its towering trees, rather than towering building, and its old brick roads rather than hot black asphalt. Oakland Cemetery serves as a monument to Georgia’s past while simultaneously growing and morphing with the present. It is general knowledge that some of the city’s most influential characters, such as Margaret Mitchell and Bobby Jones, lay at rest within its walls and it is the oldest cemetery in Atlanta. However, who in the city knows about the erection of the eastern wall or the problems that had to be handled in Oakland’s early years? A great deal of Oakland’s history remains a mystery to the people of Atlanta and throughout this analysis I will shed light on its origin story. Continue reading

The Professional Career of Bobby Jones, Jr.

Despite his relatively brief career, Bobby Jones is universally recognized of one of the greatest golfers of all time. His name, in the minds of the sporting world, does not sound out of place spoken among the names of far more contemporary players such as Jack Nicklaus, Tiger Woods or even those whose fame and feats are even more recent than they. The same can be said for few other athletes of his time- Jones retired from golf at the age of 28 in 1930. By that time, he had won 13 major championships. In the year of his retirement, he won all four, making him the only golfer in history to win the impregnable Grand Slam. The very next year, however, he would not compete in one tournament. Wrote the great sportswriter and best friend of Jones, “the greatest competitive athlete of history closed the book, the bright lexicon of championships, with every honor in the world to grace its final chapter.”[1] And yet, Jones never made one penny from playing golf. He was always keen to remind fans that “some things were more important than winning.”[2] This decision spawned from an intense modesty for which he is famed. On several occasions, Jones called penalties on himself in major championships- penalties that would not otherwise been assessed; one of these that cost him a victory.[3] And yet his scrupulous honesty, stringent self-governance and vivacious energy to achieve were not just limited to golf.

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Atlanta-Fulton County Stadium: Mayor Allen’s Impact on Atlanta

Growing up thirty minutes outside of Atlanta has its perks. For me, the best thing about it was going to Braves games. By the age of 10, I considered myself a dedicated Atlanta Braves fan. I’d stay up late fantasizing about inviting Braves players to my birthday party or playing for the team in the big leagues. The main reason I live in Atlanta today is because those games made me fall in love with the city. Atlanta has so much life and energy so I’ve always been intrigued by its history. While Turner Field became the permanent home of the Braves following the 1996 Olympics, I never got the chance to witness a game in the Braves’ former ballpark, Atlanta-Fulton County Stadium. Yet, the remnants of the coliseum still stand tall and firm, casting a long shadow over the infamous Turner Field ‘blue lot’ reserved for commuting fans. My passion for the Braves and curiosity of Atlanta-Fulton County Stadium inspired me to identify the party responsible for bringing my favorite team to the city; that search led me to a familiar name, Ivan Allen, Jr. An individual whose impact on Atlanta stands tall and firm much like the memorial wall wrapping around the blue lot today.

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John Wesley Dobbs Plaza

Photo shot by author

Photo shot by author

Talking a walk down Auburn Avenue is an experience that many Atlanta residents and tourists have enjoyed. When walking down Auburn, it is easy to be taken aback by how beautiful the birth home of Dr. King is. It is easy for residents and tourist to stop and admire the burial site of Dr. King and his wife Coretta Scott King. Tourists and residents are blown away when they view the massive mural of civil rights leader and congressman John Lewis. With all of these civil rights giants in one small street it is easy to understand why the John Wesley Dobbs Plaza on the corner of Auburn and Fort Street does not get much attention. Hundreds of people drive or walk pass the plaza on a daily basis and yet one does not find many people stepping inside the plaza and admiring the statue of John Wesley Dobbs. The plaza is overshadowed by the presence of Dr. King’s historical site and John Lewis’ mural, which is an appropriate metaphor as to how the legacy of Mr. Dobbs has been largely forgotten by the mainstream public.

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Atlanta’s Carnegie Library

The history of Atlanta’s Carnegie Library is the story of a building, the story of the people who used its services and the story of the systems that were built to maintain and take advantage of it. Unknown to most Atlantans is that the public library system, seen as an everyday, normal part of life in Atlanta, had its very beginnings in that building. The story of this old building is particularly difficult to grasp because it has been torn down and replaced with the new Atlanta-Fulton Public Library on the same piece of land. In this report, I found it important to embrace the human element by discussing the works of individuals to create the Carnegie Library system, such as Anne Wallace and Andrew Carnegie. But I also did not wish to ignore the social and economic factors that affected it, such as the racial politics of the Jim Crow South. The connections between an international system of Carnegie libraries and the specific Atlanta branches helped to bring historical context and answer questions of continuity and perception.

 

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George Muse’s Clothing Company

Hello! I’m Diana, student at Georgia State University located at the heart of Downtown Atlanta. As a student, I have embraced this great city and its history. One of my favorite buildings in Atlanta is the Muse Building. This structure was once the site of one of the largest retailers in the city, and perhaps, the Southeast. I have had fun researching and learning about this Muse’s and I hope that fellow residents, newcomers, and students enjoy reading.

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