External Built Environment Description: Clay Family Cemetery

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For my Built Environment Description, I chose the Clay Family Cemetery located at 31 Clifton Street NE in the neighborhood of Kirkwood, Atlanta. This burial ground was created when Jesse Clay emigrated here from Virginia in 1826, with headstone dates ranging from 1860 to 1936, with unmarked burials continuing into the early 1970’s. The Clay property made up one third of the current neighborhood of Kirkwood, with the other two plots being from the properties of the Kirkpatrick’s and the Dunwoody’s (hence the name “Kirkwood”).

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The graveyard is bordered on 3 sides by yards and houses and on the fourth side by Clifton Street. The dilapidated front fence had a gate with the family name “Clay” on it in white block letters. The ground is mostly red Georgia clay with piles of leaves and some patches of yellow wildflowers. When I arrived at around 1:00PM there were birds chirping and a woodpecker softly pecking. The air smelled like any other partially wooded Georgia neighborhood with a slightly smoky tint that I assume was coming from someone’s fireplace.

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The cemetery was obviously quite old as a good many of the graves were crumbling and beginning to tip while others were already toppled over completely. Another indicator of its age was the presence of many short graves occupied by children who likely died of diseases that are now easily preventable. I also found a seemingly morbid amount of gravestones whose inhabitants were only 18 to 21 years old when they died.

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The graves were somewhat datable by their type. The oldest graves had headstones which were elaborately decorated with granite Victorian-style statues (and obviously, these were in the worst shape). The newer headstones were plain white stone blocks that were placed fairly recently based on the lack of wear and patina and some, which must have been rediscovered extremely recently, were marked only with neon orange plastic stakes as they must be awaiting placement of a new white stone marker.

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Some of the graves had personal effects placed in front of them: a seashell, an old jar and even a black women’s handbag. There was also some trash strewn around, mostly old pint liquor bottles, soda bottles and plastic bags. I even found a shard of a vinyl 45 record and an old Buick hubcap! I was surprised that I didn’t find any cigarette butts or cigarillo wrappers, as that is by far the most common form of litter that I’ve come across living in Atlanta.

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Surprisingly, the burial ground was actually a very peaceful place to wander around and relax while reading the headstones. This is usually not the case in my experience with graveyards. Usually (and this is truer with graveyards that are still in use and have recent additions), cemeteries make me uneasy and give a very eerie and morbid atmosphere. Honestly, to me, the saddest or most morbid thing about this place is how poorly it is maintained as evidenced by the rundown fencing, the abundance of liquor bottles that have been there long enough to have their labels worn off, the poor condition of the grave markers and two large trees that have been cut down and then cut into sections and left on the property. Other than this, the Clay Family Cemetery fits very seamlessly into the surrounding framework of houses. The houses immediately around the site show the varying degrees of the gentrification of Kirkwood as a whole, with some homes being quite large and modern and others smaller antiques with bars still bolted onto the window frames.
While the majority of marked graves predate most of the research that I did in my Annotated Bibliographies of the built environment of Kirkwood, some of the later-era unmarked graves are relevant to that research. While the racial demographics of inner-city Atlanta neighborhoods (including Kirkwood) were changing from the end of WWII up until the 1970’s, Clay Family Cemetery eventually came to include the remains of the growing African-American population of Kirkwood, a practice that “preceded others in the south by roughly 20+ years (Williamson)”. This leap forward in tolerance of other races is a perfect example of how the built environment reacts to the racial makeup of it’s inhabitants.

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While unrelated to the purpose of this post, I thought it was interesting and somewhat cliché that near the end of my visit to this site, this black cat popped up and started following me around, even letting me pet her for a while.

Reading Summary #1

Alexander Reid
Professor Arrington
English 1102
14 February, 2016
Summary of The Tunnel (on p.57)
The Tunnel by Margaret Morton is a part of “The Architecture of Despair” and ongoing photographic documentation by Morton of the lives of the homeless in New York City and how they survive and make their living. This entry in this project centers specifically on the homeless community that occupies the abandoned Amtrak tunnel that stretches from 72nd street to 123rd street from Riverside Park to the Hudson River. Morton starts off describing the history of this tunnel and the land it occupies, saying “The mud flats along the Hudson River were occupied by squatters when the Hudson River Railroad arrived in the mid-1800s. (Morton, ix)” Once the railroad was built, the area became a shanty town that fed on the garbage dumped there by the Sanitation Department. In 1934, in order to gentrify the mud flats into a stylish strip for residents of the nearby apartments, the garbage dumping was ceased and the railroad tracks were covered with a concrete tunnel to conceal “the dirt of the dense black smoke of the diesel engines and the odor of carloads of pigs and cattle en route to the slaughter house (Morton, ix)”. The tunnel was outfitted with concrete structures for use by railroad personnel. Once shipping methods had advanced to the point of making rail shipping no longer viable, the tunnel was largely abandoned and occupied once again by a community of homeless people who took shelter there.
The text is organized by chapters labeled with different areas of the tunnel,
which are then broken down into sections which recount the stories of the residents of those areas. In the first chapter “The north gate”, the reader is introduced to the most recurrent character, Bernard Monte Isaac. Nearly every subsequent interviewee is a friend or acquaintance of Bernard and most were invited to live in the tunnels by Bernard himself. In the acknowledgements, Morton thanks Bernard for acting as her guide throughout the length of the tunnel between 1991 and 1995 while she was compiling pictures and interviews for this book. Bernard and some of the other residents lived in the concrete structures built for railroad employees and have cleaned them out and intricately decorated their own personal spaces to make them more of a home. There is also plenty of graffiti, with some of the pieces being random and haphazard and others being full murals by recognized artists that are subsequently named and credited in the acknowledgements at the end of the book. There are many common themes among the stories, especially when discussing different ways of surviving in the tunnels. Nearly everyone talks about having to collect cans to return to stores, going to soup kitchens, churches and shelters for food and going up to the surface to scavenge wood out of dumpsters for fuel to keep warm during the winter months. This a very fascinating piece of literature chronicling a piece of New York culture that is literally and figuratively underground. This book would be useful to anyone looking to further research the built environment and how it creates little enclave communities like this one that almost exist in their own separate worlds from the rest of society.

Disabled by Design Annotated Bibliography by Alex Reid and Kittiya Chaiyachati

Miller, Clark, and Claire Gordon. “Disabled by Design.” Slate 26 Feb. 2015. Slate. Web. 9 Feb. 2016.

This article discusses social attitudes about the inclusion/exclusion of disabled people based on the characteristics of the built environment around them. It references the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) as instrumental in the shift of perceived blame from the disabled person to their environment for not accommodating them, saying “This cultural perspective pits people with disabilities … in a competitive race against those with greater abilities.” This article would be somewhat useful for someone attempting to discuss the effects of the built environment on people with disabilities and the changing attitudes to whether or not we should alter the built environment to include them and how deep these alterations should run. This article does have a few hang ups though. One of the main examples used in this articles is that the size of a Black Hawk attack helicopter excludes people of certain body shapes and sizes. This may be indicative of my own opinion, but it doesn’t seem defensible to claim that every person of every shape and size has a right to drive a multi-million dollar killing machine. The much more glaring objective error in the study about Black Hawks referenced in the article is that it did not include data of the shapes and sizes of men who would have been eligible to pilot these helicopters. These two holes in the primary example presented here greatly detract from the value of this article to be referenced or quoted without exposing these errors in the text that is using it as a source.